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was Guglielmo's inexperience that motivated his partners in their instructions. Comparing the above case to other contracts made with merchants in the process of training, it can be inferred that Guglielmo was in fact given here wider responsibilities than was typical of his age. Inexperienced merchants were usually sent along with other merchants, more experienced ones. For example, in 1186 Simon Bonithome was given explicit instructions from Ugo Embriaco. Simon was instructed to travel to Ceuta first and then continue to Alexandria. From Alexandria he had to return to Ceuta, but only if Oglerio Agoxino or Guglielmo Bonithome undertook this voyage. Otherwise, Simon was allowed to travel from Ceuta with one of the above mentioned experienced merchants to a third destination and then return to Genoa. Alternatively, he could return from Alexandria to Genoa, with no further changes of the journey. 178 Another merchant in training was Obertino, nephew of Guglielmo Bonithome. Guglielmo registered a commenda contract with Obertino's mother, in which they agreed that Obertino must travel with his uncle to Ceuta and negotiate with the money his mother had invested. From Ceuta only Guglielmo had the right to decide where to travel next. 179 In 1203 Guglielmo Batifoglio was twenty-years old, however, he was sent on a long distance route to the Latin East with the permission to decide how to proceed thence. Moreover, he was not attached to another merchant or required to sail on a particular ship. The only indication that he was inexperienced was in the restricted destinations in his contract. It is not clear, however, why Guglielmo was not allowed to travel to Sicily. Vivaldo from Rapallo was another merchant who was asked in the same year not to travel to Sicily. Other rare cases of prohibitions are found on travels to Apulia and Malta. The most likely reason for these prohibitions is that the residing merchants wished to direct the travelling merchants to the markets where the merchandise on board could be sold in the most profitable way and other goods purchased with the proceeds of the sales. There might have been political reasons for these prohibitions too, but the small number of cases does not allow one to draw more specific conclusions. 180 The series of cases presented above shows that restrictions could have been a the latest, although it is in Asia Minor and not exactly in what is generally considered as Ultramare. David Abulafia suggested to read stallum as 'place' or'harbour' perhaps deriving from 'stabulum. I would like to thank Professor Jacoby and Professor Abulafia for these comments. 178 Porto Setam causa mercandi et inde Alexandriam et de Alexandria Setam, si Oglerius aguxinus vel Guilielmus i3onithome hoc fecerint viagium et si hoc non fecerint, de Seta in unum iter quod ipsefecerit vel alter illorum me reverso de Alexandria non mutato alio itinere... ' OS, 1186, no. 136. 19 OS2 1186, no. 190, from 22 October 1186 180 With regard to Apulia see document GG, no. 779; on Malta GG, no. 793 (related to these are GG, nos. 773 and 788). In his article on Henry Count of Malta, David Abulafia suggested a few reasons for the prohibition on Malta: it 'may have implied that Malta was not yet a safe haven, either because of Henry's rapacity ... or because control of Malta was still in dispute' alternatively, Abulafia suggested that it was because 'there was no market for cloth in Malta'. David Abulafia, 'Henry, count of Malta and his Mediterranean activities: 1203-1230', in Anthony T. Luttrell, ed., Studies on Malta before the Knights (London, 1975), p. 107. 61
esult of various reasons including the character of the individuals involved, and should therefore not be taken as a sign of a wider pattern or a general policy. The restrictions are very meaningful, however, in at least two cases: the boycotts on Alexandria in 1191 and on Constantinople in 1203. No contracts were signed to these particular destinations in these respective years. The prohibition on travelling to Alexandria is mentioned in the case of four merchants in 1190-1 and Constantinople is excluded in the records of six merchants. David Jacoby concluded from the lack of contracts to Alexandria that there were no commercial ventures to Egypt between 1187 and September 1192.181 Claude Cahen and David Abulafia argued similarly that Italian commerce with Egypt was significantly reduced and even brought to an end: `la troisieme Croisade marque un tournant decisif dans l'histoire des marchands italiens au Porche-Orient. En interrompant tout commerce avec l'Egypte, eile a attire leur attention sur l'utilite d'activites de substitution, et de places de securite en Orient latin. '182 Abulafia wrote that `the Third Crusade certainly concentrated the attention of the Italians on Acre in several ways. It spelled the end of the ascendancy of Alexandria. ' 183 These conclusions, however, are problematic for several reasons. They will be further examined and challenged in Chapter Three, however, it should be already asked: if none of the Genoese merchants travelled to Egypt until 1192, why was the restriction mentioned in the contracts? The reality of commerce was more complex than simply avoiding all sort of contact with Egypt. It will be argued that some Genoese trading ships did approach the warring ports. The reason for the explicit prohibition was the nature of the travel contracts that dictated such cautious statements. Even when contracts were written on the eve of ventures, they were based on dated information. Individual merchants or groups of them sailing on certain ships were therefore given the sort of flexibility witnessed in the contracts, which allowed them to make their own judgment of the situation when they came nearer to the area of conflict. More evidence of a different nature supports this hypothesis. The Genoese chronicle Regni iherosolymitani brevis historia describe the heroism of Conrad of Montferrat upon his arrival at the harbour of Acre in the summer of 1187. Everyone on board was frightened when they realised that the Saracens had taken Acre. Saladin sent a patrol boat to find out `what type of people they were. ' Conrad warned the people on the ship that nobody should speak apart from himself, and he replied: 181 Jacoby, David, `Les Italiens en Egypte aux Xlle et XIIIe si8cles: du comptoir ä la colonie? ', in Michel Balard and Alain Ducellier (eds. ), Coloniser au Moyen Age (Paris, 1995), p. 80. 182 Claude Cahen, Orient et occident au temps des croisades (Paris, 1983), p. 151. 183 Abulafia, `Trade and Crusade', p. 17. 62
Page 1 and 2:
PtiD . ascýo The Merchant of Genoa
Page 3 and 4:
I 2 3 4 5 Contents: Abbreviations L
Page 5 and 6:
Abbreviations Ann. Ian. Caffaro, An
Page 7 and 8:
Tables Table 1: Genoese ships and t
Page 9 and 10:
Introduction: The merchant of Genoa
Page 11 and 12: Benjamin Kedar, Marie-Luise Favreau
Page 13 and 14: notary Lanfranco from the first eig
Page 15 and 16: money or merchandise! These tables
Page 17 and 18: they used was dated and therefore m
Page 19 and 20: Genoa and the Third Crusade This ch
Page 21 and 22: example, that shipowners and sailor
Page 23 and 24: annals from that period, written by
Page 25 and 26: The first wave of Genoese crusaders
Page 27 and 28: East, especially under Conrad of Mo
Page 29 and 30: crusade. Two of them, Maurino and S
Page 31 and 32: Provisions (vianda) for each person
Page 33 and 34: the travelling contracts of the tim
Page 35 and 36: following year supply some leads to
Page 37 and 38: For example, the years 1190 to 1192
Page 39 and 40: they were promised part of the paym
Page 41 and 42: wine exported to Bougie and sold fo
Page 43 and 44: allowed to carry this money with hi
Page 45 and 46: transition marked by the Third Crus
Page 47 and 48: Fourth Crusade, there was an increa
Page 49 and 50: 2 The impact of a crusade: the reac
Page 51 and 52: enewal and extension of Barbarossa'
Page 53 and 54: Oberto Malocello, and Heredes de Ma
Page 55 and 56: would sail in custodiam navium and
Page 57 and 58: The preparations for the Fourth Cru
Page 59 and 60: perhaps he was more accurate than u
Page 61: All the records that contain such r
Page 65 and 66: econfirmed. ' 87 The plan was there
Page 67 and 68: Not all merchants detailed their pl
Page 69 and 70: Figure 4: Map of the main trade and
Page 71 and 72: is correct and the significance of
Page 73 and 74: This paragraph is a conspicuous pre
Page 75 and 76: east at the same time as Giovanni t
Page 77 and 78: Abulafia wrote about Crete that `st
Page 79 and 80: Henry's fleet harbour in Tripoli? I
Page 81 and 82: Malta in Tripoli in great detail wi
Page 83 and 84: 3 An unprovoked crusade? This chapt
Page 85 and 86: success, especially with the women
Page 87 and 88: Although Friedman did not explicitl
Page 89 and 90: war business could have been for th
Page 91 and 92: Or vos dirai que les Sarazins d'Ali
Page 93 and 94: Pope Innocent III and the maritime
Page 95 and 96: with Venice. 309 This eventually en
Page 97 and 98: peace truces after Hattin, and espe
Page 99 and 100: eceived concessions in Tripoli and
Page 101 and 102: commerce in Bougie as well as Alexa
Page 103 and 104: such specification was necessary. I
Page 105 and 106: James's letters written to the pope
Page 107 and 108: most of the ships that sailed in 12
Page 109 and 110: The sum bequeathed was not related
Page 111 and 112: 4 Embriaco or do Biblio, what's In
Page 113 and 114:
town may contribute to the understa
Page 115 and 116:
Les Genois transformerent vite ou l
Page 117 and 118:
ecause another branch of the family
Page 119 and 120:
high fee. For Antioch, Genoa reques
Page 121 and 122:
Unfortunately, Gibelet was not incl
Page 123 and 124:
comparative map presented by Elieze
Page 125 and 126:
`perhaps most notable for its hands
Page 127 and 128:
[my 444 emphasis] At first glance,
Page 129 and 130:
One practical implication of this c
Page 131 and 132:
There was some similarity between t
Page 133 and 134:
of James of Vitry there is a simila
Page 135 and 136:
On the following day, 12 March 1186
Page 137 and 138:
of Genoa turned their attention mor
Page 139 and 140:
epresentatives of the church of St
Page 141 and 142:
church of St Lawrence were on the l
Page 143 and 144:
Figure 11: Acre - the census per ho
Page 145 and 146:
5 The Genoese communities in the ki
Page 147 and 148:
settlers acted as representatives o
Page 149 and 150:
suffered as a result of the Venetia
Page 151 and 152:
Tyre. Who was responsible to these
Page 153 and 154:
leased for twenty eight years in th
Page 155 and 156:
interests, and their intense enmity
Page 157 and 158:
Genoese sources. Perhaps some of th
Page 159 and 160:
Genoese. The Third and Fourth Crusa
Page 161 and 162:
her family could have been part of
Page 163 and 164:
Bonvicino, who were indeed new sett
Page 165 and 166:
was brought up in the parliament. I
Page 167 and 168:
Genoese names in the charters of Ar
Page 169 and 170:
Tyre. Perhaps this means that despi
Page 171 and 172:
Conclusions The main contribution o
Page 173 and 174:
towards the Latin East. The signifi
Page 175 and 176:
Appendix 2: The exchange rate betwe
Page 177 and 178:
c 'ýg C o° 1° cL 0 2 c u) . "c
Page 179 and 180:
Appendix 4: Bequest for the crusade
Page 181 and 182:
Edbury, Peter (ed. and trans. ), Th
Page 183 and 184:
Tangl, Georgine, Studien zum Regist
Page 185 and 186:
Bartholomaeis, Vincenzo de (ed. ),
Page 187 and 188:
Friedman, Yvonne, Encounter between
Page 189 and 190:
Olivieri, Agostino, `Indice per ord
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