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crusaders had been in and around Constantinople for a couple of months already. Now much did the Genoese know about the events in Constantinople? Were they concerned with the progress of the crusade or were they carrying on with their business plans regardless of the crusade's course of development? Evidence suggests that by September 1203, Genoa had enough information about the movements of the Fourth Crusade and about the plans to head from Constantinople towards Egypt. Villehardouin mentioned several occasions in which crusaders left the crusading army on merchants' ships and sailed separately to the Latin East. Five hundred crusaders had already left from Zara, 170 and another group left the crusading army at Corfu. "' These large groups of crusaders must have met many Genoese in the kingdom of Jerusalem. According to one of the contracts in the cartulary of Giovanni di Guiberto from September 1203, the latest information from the Latin East had come few months earlier, with merchants who departed from Acre at the beginning of April. The document provides this information in an indirect way, as part of the merchants' agreement on the exchange rate, which they calculated on the basis of the bezant's value in the kingdom of Jerusalem as it was in April. '72 It is therefore safe to conclude from the variety of sources that the merchants of Genoa knew by September 1203 of the diversion of the crusade. This is also clear from the commercial ventures planned in the same autumn. Indeed, the reaction of the Genoese to these developments is interesting. The contracts from that season do not mention Constantinople as a commercial destination. On the contrary, the few contracts in which Byzantium is mentioned, or `Romania' as it was often referred to, appears as a boycotted destination. 173 What is the meaning of this boycott? The restriction has to be examined in the context of the commercial contracts which contain similar prohibitions. What do they have in common and how should they be interpreted? Such formulae or phrases boycotting different destinations can be found in the cartularies from the twelfth century. It was, therefore, not a new phenomenon. On the other hand, such restrictions were quite rare, which implies that they were not written off-hand or mindlessly. However, because there are only few such cases it makes it difficult to draw meaningful conclusions about the motives for their inclusion. Several examples will explain the complexity of the analysis of these cases. 170 Villehardouin, vol. 1, p. 100. 171 Villehardouin, vol. 1, p. 122. 172 GG, no. 574, from 17 September 1203 '73 Six merchants who travelled to various destinations were instructed not to travel to Constantinople. Anselmo from Asti went to Sicily first (GG, 779,788), Bartholomew from Gaeta and Anselmo Calderono travelled to the Latin East (GG, 835,640) Giovanni Sardo and Vivaldo from Rapallo travelled to Alexandria but were instructed not to continue to Constantinople and several other destinations (GG, 649, 661). Some of these cases will be further discussed in the following pages. 59
All the records that contain such restrictions in the instructions to the travelling merchants begin by specifying the first destination of the venture. From the first destination the merchants were given the permission to proceed wherever they think best. Then the restrictions were inserted. For example, a Genoese merchant named Buonovassallo Cabella registered two contracts that had such restrictions in 1203. Interestingly, the two travelling merchants were both instructed to travel to Alexandria first on board the same ship called the Torexana. This in itself is quite a rare condition. Contracts from these years usually specified ship names only in cases that involved pledges, particularly, sea-loans or maritime insurance. One of the travelling partners, Giovanni Sardo, is an extraordinary example of a slave who was sent on a venture. Ansaldo Rapallino, his master, allowed this journey to the east and the commenda contract, therefore, specified that it was signed 'jussu Ansandi (sic) Rapallini sui dominl' [my emphasis]. In that contract Buonovassallo instructed Giovanni to join Guglielmo Buccucio in Alexandria and travel with him wherever he goes, except for the kingdom of Jerusalem and Byzantium. 174 Vivaldo Rapallino Fabiano was the second merchant with whom Buonovassallo signed a contract. He was similarly instructed to sail on the Torexana to Alexandria and then his travel route became complicated because he had to proceed `quo sibi Deus aministraverit causa mercandi, excepto Ultramare et in Romania et in Siciliam. i175 These two cases contained detailed instructions, including the name of the ship as well as the lists of prohibited destinations. Because both contracts were signed with the same residing merchant it seems likely that these cases represent personal preferences. They tell more about the personality of Buonovassallo de Cabella, the merchant who dictated the restrictions. In another case, the detailed instructions seem to be related to the age of travelling merchants or their lack of experience. Guglielmo Batifoglio signed two consecutive contracts in which he promised to travel to the kingdom of Jerusalem with two different residing merchants. In both records Guglielmo declared himself over twenty at the time of the signature. In addition, there are also uncommon details specified, such as the freights taken abroad, their quantities and their values. Guglielmo gained permission to continue from Ultramare to wherever he thought best; however, both contracts then limit his decision making: `excepto in Romania et in Sicilian: et in stallo de Ultramare. '176 There is no explanation in the text why these destinations were prohibited. There is also no more information provided to what was meant by `stallo de Ultramare. i177 The elaborate details and the list of prohibited destinations seem to suggest that it 174 GG, no. 649, from 20 September 1203. '" GG, no 661, from 20 September 1203. 16 GG, nos. 694 695 from 21 September - 1203. "' These two contracts are the only time this term was mentioned in the cartularies examined in this dissertation. David Jacoby suggested that there is a misreading for Satalia, visited by Genoese since 1156 at 60
Page 1 and 2:
PtiD . ascýo The Merchant of Genoa
Page 3 and 4:
I 2 3 4 5 Contents: Abbreviations L
Page 5 and 6:
Abbreviations Ann. Ian. Caffaro, An
Page 7 and 8:
Tables Table 1: Genoese ships and t
Page 9 and 10: Introduction: The merchant of Genoa
Page 11 and 12: Benjamin Kedar, Marie-Luise Favreau
Page 13 and 14: notary Lanfranco from the first eig
Page 15 and 16: money or merchandise! These tables
Page 17 and 18: they used was dated and therefore m
Page 19 and 20: Genoa and the Third Crusade This ch
Page 21 and 22: example, that shipowners and sailor
Page 23 and 24: annals from that period, written by
Page 25 and 26: The first wave of Genoese crusaders
Page 27 and 28: East, especially under Conrad of Mo
Page 29 and 30: crusade. Two of them, Maurino and S
Page 31 and 32: Provisions (vianda) for each person
Page 33 and 34: the travelling contracts of the tim
Page 35 and 36: following year supply some leads to
Page 37 and 38: For example, the years 1190 to 1192
Page 39 and 40: they were promised part of the paym
Page 41 and 42: wine exported to Bougie and sold fo
Page 43 and 44: allowed to carry this money with hi
Page 45 and 46: transition marked by the Third Crus
Page 47 and 48: Fourth Crusade, there was an increa
Page 49 and 50: 2 The impact of a crusade: the reac
Page 51 and 52: enewal and extension of Barbarossa'
Page 53 and 54: Oberto Malocello, and Heredes de Ma
Page 55 and 56: would sail in custodiam navium and
Page 57 and 58: The preparations for the Fourth Cru
Page 59: perhaps he was more accurate than u
Page 63 and 64: esult of various reasons including
Page 65 and 66: econfirmed. ' 87 The plan was there
Page 67 and 68: Not all merchants detailed their pl
Page 69 and 70: Figure 4: Map of the main trade and
Page 71 and 72: is correct and the significance of
Page 73 and 74: This paragraph is a conspicuous pre
Page 75 and 76: east at the same time as Giovanni t
Page 77 and 78: Abulafia wrote about Crete that `st
Page 79 and 80: Henry's fleet harbour in Tripoli? I
Page 81 and 82: Malta in Tripoli in great detail wi
Page 83 and 84: 3 An unprovoked crusade? This chapt
Page 85 and 86: success, especially with the women
Page 87 and 88: Although Friedman did not explicitl
Page 89 and 90: war business could have been for th
Page 91 and 92: Or vos dirai que les Sarazins d'Ali
Page 93 and 94: Pope Innocent III and the maritime
Page 95 and 96: with Venice. 309 This eventually en
Page 97 and 98: peace truces after Hattin, and espe
Page 99 and 100: eceived concessions in Tripoli and
Page 101 and 102: commerce in Bougie as well as Alexa
Page 103 and 104: such specification was necessary. I
Page 105 and 106: James's letters written to the pope
Page 107 and 108: most of the ships that sailed in 12
Page 109 and 110: The sum bequeathed was not related
Page 111 and 112:
4 Embriaco or do Biblio, what's In
Page 113 and 114:
town may contribute to the understa
Page 115 and 116:
Les Genois transformerent vite ou l
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ecause another branch of the family
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high fee. For Antioch, Genoa reques
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Unfortunately, Gibelet was not incl
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comparative map presented by Elieze
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`perhaps most notable for its hands
Page 127 and 128:
[my 444 emphasis] At first glance,
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One practical implication of this c
Page 131 and 132:
There was some similarity between t
Page 133 and 134:
of James of Vitry there is a simila
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On the following day, 12 March 1186
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of Genoa turned their attention mor
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epresentatives of the church of St
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church of St Lawrence were on the l
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Figure 11: Acre - the census per ho
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5 The Genoese communities in the ki
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settlers acted as representatives o
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suffered as a result of the Venetia
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Tyre. Who was responsible to these
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leased for twenty eight years in th
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interests, and their intense enmity
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Genoese sources. Perhaps some of th
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Genoese. The Third and Fourth Crusa
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her family could have been part of
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Bonvicino, who were indeed new sett
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was brought up in the parliament. I
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Genoese names in the charters of Ar
Page 169 and 170:
Tyre. Perhaps this means that despi
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Conclusions The main contribution o
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towards the Latin East. The signifi
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Appendix 2: The exchange rate betwe
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c 'ýg C o° 1° cL 0 2 c u) . "c
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Appendix 4: Bequest for the crusade
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Edbury, Peter (ed. and trans. ), Th
Page 183 and 184:
Tangl, Georgine, Studien zum Regist
Page 185 and 186:
Bartholomaeis, Vincenzo de (ed. ),
Page 187 and 188:
Friedman, Yvonne, Encounter between
Page 189 and 190:
Olivieri, Agostino, `Indice per ord
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