The Crusades, the Genoese and the Latin East - DSpace at ...
The Crusades, the Genoese and the Latin East - DSpace at ... The Crusades, the Genoese and the Latin East - DSpace at ...
crusaders had been in and around Constantinople for a couple of months already. Now much did the Genoese know about the events in Constantinople? Were they concerned with the progress of the crusade or were they carrying on with their business plans regardless of the crusade's course of development? Evidence suggests that by September 1203, Genoa had enough information about the movements of the Fourth Crusade and about the plans to head from Constantinople towards Egypt. Villehardouin mentioned several occasions in which crusaders left the crusading army on merchants' ships and sailed separately to the Latin East. Five hundred crusaders had already left from Zara, 170 and another group left the crusading army at Corfu. "' These large groups of crusaders must have met many Genoese in the kingdom of Jerusalem. According to one of the contracts in the cartulary of Giovanni di Guiberto from September 1203, the latest information from the Latin East had come few months earlier, with merchants who departed from Acre at the beginning of April. The document provides this information in an indirect way, as part of the merchants' agreement on the exchange rate, which they calculated on the basis of the bezant's value in the kingdom of Jerusalem as it was in April. '72 It is therefore safe to conclude from the variety of sources that the merchants of Genoa knew by September 1203 of the diversion of the crusade. This is also clear from the commercial ventures planned in the same autumn. Indeed, the reaction of the Genoese to these developments is interesting. The contracts from that season do not mention Constantinople as a commercial destination. On the contrary, the few contracts in which Byzantium is mentioned, or `Romania' as it was often referred to, appears as a boycotted destination. 173 What is the meaning of this boycott? The restriction has to be examined in the context of the commercial contracts which contain similar prohibitions. What do they have in common and how should they be interpreted? Such formulae or phrases boycotting different destinations can be found in the cartularies from the twelfth century. It was, therefore, not a new phenomenon. On the other hand, such restrictions were quite rare, which implies that they were not written off-hand or mindlessly. However, because there are only few such cases it makes it difficult to draw meaningful conclusions about the motives for their inclusion. Several examples will explain the complexity of the analysis of these cases. 170 Villehardouin, vol. 1, p. 100. 171 Villehardouin, vol. 1, p. 122. 172 GG, no. 574, from 17 September 1203 '73 Six merchants who travelled to various destinations were instructed not to travel to Constantinople. Anselmo from Asti went to Sicily first (GG, 779,788), Bartholomew from Gaeta and Anselmo Calderono travelled to the Latin East (GG, 835,640) Giovanni Sardo and Vivaldo from Rapallo travelled to Alexandria but were instructed not to continue to Constantinople and several other destinations (GG, 649, 661). Some of these cases will be further discussed in the following pages. 59
All the records that contain such restrictions in the instructions to the travelling merchants begin by specifying the first destination of the venture. From the first destination the merchants were given the permission to proceed wherever they think best. Then the restrictions were inserted. For example, a Genoese merchant named Buonovassallo Cabella registered two contracts that had such restrictions in 1203. Interestingly, the two travelling merchants were both instructed to travel to Alexandria first on board the same ship called the Torexana. This in itself is quite a rare condition. Contracts from these years usually specified ship names only in cases that involved pledges, particularly, sea-loans or maritime insurance. One of the travelling partners, Giovanni Sardo, is an extraordinary example of a slave who was sent on a venture. Ansaldo Rapallino, his master, allowed this journey to the east and the commenda contract, therefore, specified that it was signed 'jussu Ansandi (sic) Rapallini sui dominl' [my emphasis]. In that contract Buonovassallo instructed Giovanni to join Guglielmo Buccucio in Alexandria and travel with him wherever he goes, except for the kingdom of Jerusalem and Byzantium. 174 Vivaldo Rapallino Fabiano was the second merchant with whom Buonovassallo signed a contract. He was similarly instructed to sail on the Torexana to Alexandria and then his travel route became complicated because he had to proceed `quo sibi Deus aministraverit causa mercandi, excepto Ultramare et in Romania et in Siciliam. i175 These two cases contained detailed instructions, including the name of the ship as well as the lists of prohibited destinations. Because both contracts were signed with the same residing merchant it seems likely that these cases represent personal preferences. They tell more about the personality of Buonovassallo de Cabella, the merchant who dictated the restrictions. In another case, the detailed instructions seem to be related to the age of travelling merchants or their lack of experience. Guglielmo Batifoglio signed two consecutive contracts in which he promised to travel to the kingdom of Jerusalem with two different residing merchants. In both records Guglielmo declared himself over twenty at the time of the signature. In addition, there are also uncommon details specified, such as the freights taken abroad, their quantities and their values. Guglielmo gained permission to continue from Ultramare to wherever he thought best; however, both contracts then limit his decision making: `excepto in Romania et in Sicilian: et in stallo de Ultramare. '176 There is no explanation in the text why these destinations were prohibited. There is also no more information provided to what was meant by `stallo de Ultramare. i177 The elaborate details and the list of prohibited destinations seem to suggest that it 174 GG, no. 649, from 20 September 1203. '" GG, no 661, from 20 September 1203. 16 GG, nos. 694 695 from 21 September - 1203. "' These two contracts are the only time this term was mentioned in the cartularies examined in this dissertation. David Jacoby suggested that there is a misreading for Satalia, visited by Genoese since 1156 at 60
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crusaders had been in <strong>and</strong> around Constantinople for a couple of months already. Now much did<br />
<strong>the</strong> <strong>Genoese</strong> know about <strong>the</strong> events in Constantinople? Were <strong>the</strong>y concerned with <strong>the</strong> progress of<br />
<strong>the</strong> crusade or were <strong>the</strong>y carrying on with <strong>the</strong>ir business plans regardless of <strong>the</strong> crusade's course<br />
of development? Evidence suggests th<strong>at</strong> by September 1203, Genoa had enough inform<strong>at</strong>ion<br />
about <strong>the</strong> movements of <strong>the</strong> Fourth Crusade <strong>and</strong> about <strong>the</strong> plans to head from Constantinople<br />
towards Egypt. Villehardouin mentioned several occasions in which crusaders left <strong>the</strong> crusading<br />
army on merchants' ships <strong>and</strong> sailed separ<strong>at</strong>ely to <strong>the</strong> <strong>L<strong>at</strong>in</strong> <strong>East</strong>. Five hundred crusaders had<br />
already left from Zara, 170 <strong>and</strong> ano<strong>the</strong>r group left <strong>the</strong> crusading army <strong>at</strong> Corfu. "' <strong>The</strong>se large<br />
groups of crusaders must have met many <strong>Genoese</strong> in <strong>the</strong> kingdom of Jerusalem. According to one<br />
of <strong>the</strong> contracts in <strong>the</strong> cartulary of Giovanni di Guiberto from September 1203, <strong>the</strong> l<strong>at</strong>est<br />
inform<strong>at</strong>ion from <strong>the</strong> <strong>L<strong>at</strong>in</strong> <strong>East</strong> had come few months earlier, with merchants who departed from<br />
Acre <strong>at</strong> <strong>the</strong> beginning of April. <strong>The</strong> document provides this inform<strong>at</strong>ion in an indirect way, as part<br />
of <strong>the</strong> merchants' agreement on <strong>the</strong> exchange r<strong>at</strong>e, which <strong>the</strong>y calcul<strong>at</strong>ed on <strong>the</strong> basis of <strong>the</strong><br />
bezant's value in <strong>the</strong> kingdom of Jerusalem as it was in April. '72 It is <strong>the</strong>refore safe to conclude<br />
from <strong>the</strong> variety of sources th<strong>at</strong> <strong>the</strong> merchants of Genoa knew by September 1203 of <strong>the</strong> diversion<br />
of <strong>the</strong> crusade. This is also clear from <strong>the</strong> commercial ventures planned in <strong>the</strong> same autumn.<br />
Indeed, <strong>the</strong> reaction of <strong>the</strong> <strong>Genoese</strong><br />
to <strong>the</strong>se developments is interesting. <strong>The</strong> contracts from th<strong>at</strong><br />
season do not mention Constantinople as a commercial destin<strong>at</strong>ion. On <strong>the</strong> contrary, <strong>the</strong> few<br />
contracts in which Byzantium is mentioned, or `Romania' as it was often referred to, appears as a<br />
boycotted destin<strong>at</strong>ion. 173 Wh<strong>at</strong> is <strong>the</strong> meaning of this boycott?<br />
<strong>The</strong> restriction has to be examined in <strong>the</strong> context of <strong>the</strong> commercial contracts which<br />
contain similar prohibitions. Wh<strong>at</strong> do <strong>the</strong>y have in common <strong>and</strong> how should <strong>the</strong>y be interpreted?<br />
Such formulae or phrases boycotting different destin<strong>at</strong>ions can be found in <strong>the</strong> cartularies from<br />
<strong>the</strong> twelfth century. It was, <strong>the</strong>refore, not a new phenomenon. On <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r h<strong>and</strong>, such restrictions<br />
were quite rare, which implies th<strong>at</strong> <strong>the</strong>y were not written off-h<strong>and</strong> or mindlessly. However,<br />
because<br />
<strong>the</strong>re are only few such cases it makes it difficult to draw meaningful conclusions about<br />
<strong>the</strong> motives for <strong>the</strong>ir inclusion. Several examples will explain <strong>the</strong> complexity of <strong>the</strong> analysis of<br />
<strong>the</strong>se cases.<br />
170<br />
Villehardouin, vol. 1, p. 100.<br />
171<br />
Villehardouin, vol. 1, p. 122.<br />
172<br />
GG, no. 574, from 17 September 1203<br />
'73 Six merchants who travelled to various destin<strong>at</strong>ions were instructed not to travel to Constantinople.<br />
Anselmo from Asti went to Sicily first (GG, 779,788), Bartholomew from Gaeta <strong>and</strong> Anselmo Calderono<br />
travelled to <strong>the</strong> <strong>L<strong>at</strong>in</strong> <strong>East</strong> (GG, 835,640) Giovanni Sardo <strong>and</strong> Vivaldo from Rapallo travelled to<br />
Alex<strong>and</strong>ria but were instructed not to continue to Constantinople <strong>and</strong> several o<strong>the</strong>r destin<strong>at</strong>ions (GG, 649,<br />
661). Some of <strong>the</strong>se cases will be fur<strong>the</strong>r discussed<br />
in <strong>the</strong> following pages.<br />
59