The Crusades, the Genoese and the Latin East - DSpace at ...
The Crusades, the Genoese and the Latin East - DSpace at ... The Crusades, the Genoese and the Latin East - DSpace at ...
and Markward's death in 1203 ended the reason for the enterprise. "" However, from the evidence just cited it seems likely that the Genoese enterprise, which was described in only a few sentences in the annals, may have nonetheless been Genoa's contribution to the papal minor crusade against Markward. Sicily therefore played a central role in Genoese politics between 1199 and 1202, but it was also an important commercial destination for the Genoese merchants. Sicily provided exceptional opportunity for merchants to make vast profits, which applied to the commune in general and to individual merchants. The Embriaci, in particular, are known to have registered a large number of contracts to Sicily. In March 1200, Guglielmo Embriaco junior, a shipowner, signed eight contracts with various merchants bound for Sicily. "' Many of his activities in the island involved mobile and immobile properties that belonged to him and to his uncle, Guglielmo Embriaco maior. 1 sS Evidence of Genoese private ownership of property in Sicily is not surprising as it had been common for many decades beforehand. Abulafia wrote about the Genoese Guglielmo Scarsaria who mentioned in his will of 1162 land and vineyard in Sicily. 156 Tile contracts do not specify what the main destination in Sicily was. One of the contracts suggests that Guglielmo junior had considered the sell a ship that belonged to both of them in Sicily. '" Guglielmo Embriaco junior sailed to Sicily sometime in the spring of 1201. In July he was not yet back in Genoa, and his uncle arranged his marriage in his absence to Toscana, the daughter of Pietro Vento, for £250. This contract was contingent upon the confirmation of Guglielmo junior within five years. 158 Did Guglielmo Embriaco junior remain in Sicily throughout this time? Unfortunately the contemporary sources do not provide an answer to this question. 153 Riley Smith, The Crusades, A Short History, p. 133. ii" These contracts are from the cartulary of Guglielmo di Sori, MS 131, pp. 131 V- 133V. ass Guglielmo di Sori, MS 102, P. 131, V4. 156 David Abulafia, The Two Italies, pp. 230-1. 157 Guglielmo di Sori, MS 102, p. 131, V3. 158 Guglielmo di Sori, MS 102, p. 197 V1-3; p. 198, RI. 55
The preparations for the Fourth Crusade When Ogerio Pane commenced writing his continuation of Genoa's annals in 1197, Genoa had already been at war with Pisa. In John Pryor's words: `Genoa and Pisa became embroiled in incessant conflict at sea, notably over their rights and possessions in Corsica and Sardinia, as well as in Sicily. '159 This conflict had continued for many years and was considered a major obstacle in the way of the organisation of both the Fourth and the Fifth Crusades. In 1202, there was an attempt to force a truce on the two communities. Urgent circumstances led to this attempt: the Fourth Crusade was under way and its leaders were seeking support from maritime powers in order to secure enough means of transportation. What was Genoa's reaction to the call for the Fourth Crusade? Historians of the Fourth Crusade have traditionally emphasised the viewpoint of the leaders of the crusade. The activities of the leaders of the crusade and their messengers have been examined as they travelled to Venice, Genoa and Pisa in search of a reliable partner for the important task of shipping the crusaders abroad. 160 In particular, there has been a tendency among historians to rely primarily on Villehardouin's chronicle of the crusade, and accept most of his account of events. It is assumed, for example, that it was the crusade leaders' preference to embark from Venice and not from Genoa or any other city. 161 Donald Queller further argued that `Genoa may also have been opposed by the French knights, for there had been numerous complaints concerning Genoese fulfilment of their contract to transport the army of Philip Augustus on the Third Crusade. ' 162 Whether there had been a real basis to such accusations or not, it seems clear that Genoa's point of view has not been taken into account in Queller's analysis. Indeed, not much has changed since John Fotheringham's observation in 1910 that `while the part taken by Venice in the Fourth Crusade has received its full share of attention from modern writers, very little has as yet been written on... Genoa. ' 163 Unfortunately, the point of 159 John H. Pryor, `The Maritime Republics', in David Abulafia (ed. ), The New Cambridge Medieval History, vol. 5 (Cambridge, 1999), p. 422. 160 Robert de Clad claimed that the messengers approached Genoa first, which turned them down by saying that it was unable to help: `... li Genevois disent qu'il ne leur en porroient Went aidier'. See Robert de Clari, La Conquete de Constantinople, ed. Philippe Lauer (Paris, 1924) ch. 6, p. 7. Quelers and Madden, however, accepted Villehardouin's argument that the messengers went directly to Venice. According to them `the Picard knight (Robert de Clari) is notoriously misinformed about the preliminaries of the crusade... ', Donald E. Queller and Thomas F. Madden, The Fourth Crusade: The Conquest of Constantinople, 2"a ed. (Philadelphia, 1997), p. 7. 161 Villehardouin, vol. 1, p. 18, sec. 14. 162 Queller, The Fourth Crusade, p. 7. Queller relied in this accusation on an article by 11. Vreins, `De kwestie van den vierden kruistocht', TiUdscrift voor Geschiedenis, 37 (1922), 50-82. It was impossible, however, to trace the grounds for this claim. 163 John K. Fotheringham, `Genoa and the Fourth Crusade', The English Historical Review, 25 (1910), p. 26. 56
- Page 5 and 6: Abbreviations Ann. Ian. Caffaro, An
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<strong>and</strong> Markward's de<strong>at</strong>h in 1203 ended <strong>the</strong> reason for <strong>the</strong> enterprise.<br />
"" However, from <strong>the</strong><br />
evidence just cited it seems likely th<strong>at</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Genoese</strong> enterprise, which was described in only a few<br />
sentences in <strong>the</strong> annals, may have none<strong>the</strong>less been Genoa's contribution to <strong>the</strong> papal minor<br />
crusade against Markward.<br />
Sicily <strong>the</strong>refore played a central role in <strong>Genoese</strong> politics between 1199 <strong>and</strong> 1202, but it<br />
was also an important commercial destin<strong>at</strong>ion for <strong>the</strong> <strong>Genoese</strong> merchants. Sicily provided<br />
exceptional opportunity for merchants to make vast profits, which applied to <strong>the</strong> commune in<br />
general <strong>and</strong> to individual merchants. <strong>The</strong> Embriaci, in particular, are known to have registered a<br />
large number of contracts to Sicily. In March 1200, Guglielmo Embriaco junior, a shipowner,<br />
signed eight contracts with various merchants bound for Sicily. "' Many of his activities in <strong>the</strong><br />
isl<strong>and</strong> involved mobile <strong>and</strong> immobile properties th<strong>at</strong> belonged to him <strong>and</strong> to his uncle, Guglielmo<br />
Embriaco maior. 1 sS Evidence of <strong>Genoese</strong> priv<strong>at</strong>e ownership of property in Sicily is not surprising<br />
as it had been common for many decades beforeh<strong>and</strong>. Abulafia wrote about <strong>the</strong> <strong>Genoese</strong><br />
Guglielmo Scarsaria who mentioned in his will of 1162 l<strong>and</strong> <strong>and</strong> vineyard in Sicily. 156 Tile<br />
contracts do not specify wh<strong>at</strong> <strong>the</strong> main destin<strong>at</strong>ion in Sicily was. One of <strong>the</strong> contracts suggests<br />
th<strong>at</strong> Guglielmo junior had considered <strong>the</strong> sell a ship th<strong>at</strong> belonged to both of <strong>the</strong>m in Sicily. '"<br />
Guglielmo Embriaco junior sailed to Sicily sometime in <strong>the</strong> spring of 1201. In July he was not yet<br />
back in Genoa, <strong>and</strong> his uncle arranged his marriage in his absence to Toscana, <strong>the</strong> daughter of<br />
Pietro Vento, for £250. This contract was contingent upon <strong>the</strong> confirm<strong>at</strong>ion of Guglielmo junior<br />
within five years. 158 Did Guglielmo Embriaco junior remain in Sicily throughout this time?<br />
Unfortun<strong>at</strong>ely <strong>the</strong> contemporary sources do not provide an answer to this question.<br />
153<br />
Riley Smith, <strong>The</strong> <strong>Crusades</strong>, A Short History, p. 133.<br />
ii" <strong>The</strong>se contracts are from <strong>the</strong> cartulary of Guglielmo di Sori, MS 131, pp. 131 V- 133V.<br />
ass Guglielmo di Sori, MS 102, P. 131, V4.<br />
156 David Abulafia, <strong>The</strong> Two Italies, pp. 230-1.<br />
157 Guglielmo di Sori, MS 102, p. 131, V3.<br />
158 Guglielmo di Sori, MS 102, p. 197 V1-3; p. 198, RI.<br />
55
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