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Another major consequence of Henry's death, however, was the outbreak of a power struggle in Sicily. David Abulafia discussed this troubled period in Sicily's history in The Two Italies, in Frederick II, A Medieval Emperor and in his article on `The Kingdom of Sicily under the Hohenstaufen and Angevins. "27 Abulafia demonstrated how the problems in Sicily had a complex history that went back long before the events of 1197. Furthermore, the question of Sicily involved the papacy and Germany as well as Sicily. Many people had claims in Sicily and the death of its lords often brought tension and wars to the island. Thus, the death of Tancred in 1194 led to the conquest of Sicily by Henry VI, who was joined by his seneschal, Markward von Anweiler, as well as Genoese and Pisan contingents. 128 Henry's own death in 1197 followed by his wife's death in 1198 resulted in more tension in Sicily. `Pope Innocent Ill-took on the functions of guardian of the boy king (Frederick II)' but Markward von Anweiler, who functioned as a regent of Sicily, rejected the pope's claims: Ìnnocent attempted to tame Markward, and even threatened a crusade against Markward in 1198-9; had this occurred it would have been the first "political crusade" launched against the Christian enemies of the Church. 9129 Genoa was trapped between these powers, on the one hand, it had been in good terms with Markward for many years but, on the other hand, there were many reasons to keep the pope happy, as will be demonstrated in the following paragraphs. Unfortunately, the Genoese annals do not provide details of how the pact between Genoa and Sicily had evolved. The impression is that it was partly based on positive experience and steady relations between the commune and the German seneschal Markward von Anweiler. Markward was an extraordinary figure in the diplomatic sphere of the late twelfth century. Marc Bloch wrote about him that `few men stand out so prominently as the uncouth figure of the seneschal Markward of Anweiler, who died regent of Sicily. '130 Genoa assisted Markward and his lord, Emperor Henry VI, to conquer Sicily in 1194.131 In return for their help, Henry VI promised the Genoese many privileges. Otobono Scriba wrote about these privileges that: ìpse imperator multa maximaque promisit et iuravit. 1 132 David Abulafia noted that this privilege was primarily à 127 David Abulafia, The Two Italies, Economic Relations between the Norman Kingdom of Sicily and the Northern Communes (Cambridge, 1977); David Abulafia, Frederick II, A Medieval Emperor (Harmondsworth, 1988); David Abulafia, `The Kingdom of Sicily under the Hohenstaufen and Angevins', in David Abulafia (ed. ), The New Cambridge Medieval History, vol. 5 (Cambridge, 1999), pp. 497-521. 128 David Abulafia, The Two Italies, p. 206f; David Abulaf ia, `The Kingdom of Sicily under the Hohenstaufen and Angevins', p. 499. 129 David Abulafia, `The Kingdom of Sicily under the Hohenstaufen and Angevins', pp. 500-501. 130 Marc Bloch, Feudal Society, trans. L. A. Manyon (London, 1962), vol. 2, p. 343. 131 Thomas C. van Cleve, Markward ofAnweiler and the Sicilian Regency: A Study of Hohenstaufen Policy in Sicily during the Minority of Frederick 11 (Princeton, 1937), pp. 42-3. '32 Ann. Ian., vol. 2, pp. 38-39. See privileges in I Libri lurium, vol. 1/2, no. 286, pp. 28-35 and I Libri Iurium vol. I/1, no. 253, pp. 365-66. 49
enewal and extension of Barbarossa's privilege of nearly thirty years earlier... As far as Sicily was concerned, there was no change. ' 133 Even before Henry's death, however, requests to fulfil these promises had led to some tension between Genoa and the Germans. In December 1200, a new letter of privileges was eventually granted to Genoa by the cancellarius of Sicily in the name of the minor, rex Sicilie, Frederick II. This charter was granted by Markward's rival, Walter of Palear, whom David Abulafia described as à worldly south Italian prelate who held the office of chancellor. ' 134 The concessions granted in Palermo included properties in Messina, Syracuse as well as various legal rights. Importantly, the new agreement included a payment of `10,000 untiarum auri:... ad hoc 2,000 et annuatim 2,000 usque ad complementum summe ipsarum untiarum. 135 The golden ounce of Sicily was equal to approximately two Genoese pounds. This calculation is based on numerous cases in the notarial cartularies from these years, according to which an ounce was purchased at between 37s and 43s Genoese. The ounce of Messina was, however, slightly stronger than the ounce of Palermo, which was probably the coin referred to in this charter by Walter who was based in that town (appendix 2). This vast amount of money was at stakes as a result of the growing conflict in Sicily. David Abulafia remarked about the tension between the pope and Markward that Ìnnocent painted Markward in lurid colours as a worse Saracen than Saladin. '136 Genoa was also risking its good relations with the Germans in Sicily, friendship which as David Abulafia demonstrated was one of most fruitful political investments Genoa had made in this period. 137 From 1198 until 1200 Genoa was thus in a delicate position between the two enemies. For some time Genoa seem to have played between the two sides. `Markward bestowed total tax exemption on Genoese merchants trading in the kingdom, ' 138 but there is evidence that Markward's opponent, the chancellor Walter of Palear sent messengers to Genoa too. A notarial record was signed in 9 May 1201 between a shipowner of a distinguished Genoese family named (a rather odd first name) Heredes de Mari and messengers of Walter of Palear. The messengers promised to free Lanfranco de Mari, presumably a relative of Heredes, within eight days from their return to Palermo: `juramus... quod infra dies viii postquam pervenerimus panoramas: in curiam domini nostri Regis faciemus liberari Lafrancum de mari.... '139 133 David Abulafia, The Two Italies, p. 191. 134 David Abulafia, Frederick 11, p. 95 1351 Libri lurium., vol. 1/2, document 292, p. 52. 136 David Abulaf ia, `The Kingdom of Sicily under the Hohenstaufen and Angevins', p. 501. 137 David Abulafia, The Two Italies, in particular see Abulafia's conclusions to the chapter `Quid plura? 1191-5', pp. 212-3. 138 David Abulafia, Frederick 11, p. 103 139 The following statement at the end of the contract makes it clear that Heredes was his first name 'Ego Heredes de Mari promitto... ', Guglielmo di Sori, MS, 102, p. 192, R3-Vl. 50
Page 1 and 2: PtiD . ascýo The Merchant of Genoa
Page 3 and 4: I 2 3 4 5 Contents: Abbreviations L
Page 5 and 6: Abbreviations Ann. Ian. Caffaro, An
Page 7 and 8: Tables Table 1: Genoese ships and t
Page 9 and 10: Introduction: The merchant of Genoa
Page 11 and 12: Benjamin Kedar, Marie-Luise Favreau
Page 13 and 14: notary Lanfranco from the first eig
Page 15 and 16: money or merchandise! These tables
Page 17 and 18: they used was dated and therefore m
Page 19 and 20: Genoa and the Third Crusade This ch
Page 21 and 22: example, that shipowners and sailor
Page 23 and 24: annals from that period, written by
Page 25 and 26: The first wave of Genoese crusaders
Page 27 and 28: East, especially under Conrad of Mo
Page 29 and 30: crusade. Two of them, Maurino and S
Page 31 and 32: Provisions (vianda) for each person
Page 33 and 34: the travelling contracts of the tim
Page 35 and 36: following year supply some leads to
Page 37 and 38: For example, the years 1190 to 1192
Page 39 and 40: they were promised part of the paym
Page 41 and 42: wine exported to Bougie and sold fo
Page 43 and 44: allowed to carry this money with hi
Page 45 and 46: transition marked by the Third Crus
Page 47 and 48: Fourth Crusade, there was an increa
Page 49: 2 The impact of a crusade: the reac
Page 53 and 54: Oberto Malocello, and Heredes de Ma
Page 55 and 56: would sail in custodiam navium and
Page 57 and 58: The preparations for the Fourth Cru
Page 59 and 60: perhaps he was more accurate than u
Page 61 and 62: All the records that contain such r
Page 63 and 64: esult of various reasons including
Page 65 and 66: econfirmed. ' 87 The plan was there
Page 67 and 68: Not all merchants detailed their pl
Page 69 and 70: Figure 4: Map of the main trade and
Page 71 and 72: is correct and the significance of
Page 73 and 74: This paragraph is a conspicuous pre
Page 75 and 76: east at the same time as Giovanni t
Page 77 and 78: Abulafia wrote about Crete that `st
Page 79 and 80: Henry's fleet harbour in Tripoli? I
Page 81 and 82: Malta in Tripoli in great detail wi
Page 83 and 84: 3 An unprovoked crusade? This chapt
Page 85 and 86: success, especially with the women
Page 87 and 88: Although Friedman did not explicitl
Page 89 and 90: war business could have been for th
Page 91 and 92: Or vos dirai que les Sarazins d'Ali
Page 93 and 94: Pope Innocent III and the maritime
Page 95 and 96: with Venice. 309 This eventually en
Page 97 and 98: peace truces after Hattin, and espe
Page 99 and 100: eceived concessions in Tripoli and
Page 101 and 102:
commerce in Bougie as well as Alexa
Page 103 and 104:
such specification was necessary. I
Page 105 and 106:
James's letters written to the pope
Page 107 and 108:
most of the ships that sailed in 12
Page 109 and 110:
The sum bequeathed was not related
Page 111 and 112:
4 Embriaco or do Biblio, what's In
Page 113 and 114:
town may contribute to the understa
Page 115 and 116:
Les Genois transformerent vite ou l
Page 117 and 118:
ecause another branch of the family
Page 119 and 120:
high fee. For Antioch, Genoa reques
Page 121 and 122:
Unfortunately, Gibelet was not incl
Page 123 and 124:
comparative map presented by Elieze
Page 125 and 126:
`perhaps most notable for its hands
Page 127 and 128:
[my 444 emphasis] At first glance,
Page 129 and 130:
One practical implication of this c
Page 131 and 132:
There was some similarity between t
Page 133 and 134:
of James of Vitry there is a simila
Page 135 and 136:
On the following day, 12 March 1186
Page 137 and 138:
of Genoa turned their attention mor
Page 139 and 140:
epresentatives of the church of St
Page 141 and 142:
church of St Lawrence were on the l
Page 143 and 144:
Figure 11: Acre - the census per ho
Page 145 and 146:
5 The Genoese communities in the ki
Page 147 and 148:
settlers acted as representatives o
Page 149 and 150:
suffered as a result of the Venetia
Page 151 and 152:
Tyre. Who was responsible to these
Page 153 and 154:
leased for twenty eight years in th
Page 155 and 156:
interests, and their intense enmity
Page 157 and 158:
Genoese sources. Perhaps some of th
Page 159 and 160:
Genoese. The Third and Fourth Crusa
Page 161 and 162:
her family could have been part of
Page 163 and 164:
Bonvicino, who were indeed new sett
Page 165 and 166:
was brought up in the parliament. I
Page 167 and 168:
Genoese names in the charters of Ar
Page 169 and 170:
Tyre. Perhaps this means that despi
Page 171 and 172:
Conclusions The main contribution o
Page 173 and 174:
towards the Latin East. The signifi
Page 175 and 176:
Appendix 2: The exchange rate betwe
Page 177 and 178:
c 'ýg C o° 1° cL 0 2 c u) . "c
Page 179 and 180:
Appendix 4: Bequest for the crusade
Page 181 and 182:
Edbury, Peter (ed. and trans. ), Th
Page 183 and 184:
Tangl, Georgine, Studien zum Regist
Page 185 and 186:
Bartholomaeis, Vincenzo de (ed. ),
Page 187 and 188:
Friedman, Yvonne, Encounter between
Page 189 and 190:
Olivieri, Agostino, Ìndice per ord
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