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that were on their way to participate in the Third Crusade. In a recent book on England's Jewish Solution, Robin Mundill wrote that `Stamford was clearly a Jewish colony of some importance in the south of the county' [of Lincolnshire]. " However, like the Jews of York, the Jewish community in Stamford was massacred by English mob shortly before the departure of King Richard the Lion Heart and his troops on the crusade. Jonathan Riley Smith wrote how ìn Lent 1190, anti-Jewish massacres spread from London to Stamford.... culminating in the hideous butchery of the Jewish community in York, ushering in a century of persecutions. i112 William of Newburgh wrote in his chronicle about this massacre. On 07 March 1190, a group of young crusaders, juvenum, qui signum Dominicum lerosolyman: profecturi susceperant, attacked the Jews of Stamford and confiscated their money: magna vis pecuniae capta. 113 The link between the preparations in England for the Third Crusade and the massacre of the Jews was discussed by Christoph Cluse. 114 Some of the people who took part in the attacks of the Jews in York hurried to set out on the crusade early, according to William, in order to escape the investigations of these crimes. ìlli ex conjuratis, qui signum Domini acceperant, ante omnem quaestionem iter propositum arripuerunt. "15 Clearly, Abram made a narrow escape from the fate of many members of the Jewish community. In the light of this evidence of the popularity of the hatred towards Jews among the crusaders, it is surprising to find that a Jewish merchant travelled to Genoa with them. In Genoa, Abram negotiated with local merchants in June 1190, however, evidence from his contract suggests that he did not remain in Genoa but requested instead that his part of the payment due to him at the beginning of August will be handed on his behalf to Simon of Stamford. ' 16 This interesting collection of cases relates part of the English experience in Genoa. It is an example of how the Third Crusade had made a change in Genoa and elsewhere in the western web of commerce and culture. Lessons of the Third Crusade: The Third Crusade marked a change in the conceptualisation and the administration of the crusading movement. Jean Richard already noticed how `J3arberousse est le dernier qui ail suivi l'itineraire de la Premiere Croisade, ' and further identified transportation as a fundamental 1 11 Robin R. Mundill, England's Jewish Solution: Experiment and Expulsion, 1262-1290 (Cambridge, 1998), pp. 19-20. 12 Jonathan Riley Smith (ed. ), The Atlas of the Crusades (Oxford, 1991), p. 88 113 William of Newburgh (liber 4), ed., Richard Howlett, in Chronicles of the Reigns of Stephen, Henry 11 and Richard 1., vol. 1 (London, 1884, rep. 1964), pp. 310-311. 114 Christoph Cluse, `Stories of Breaking and Taking the Cross. A Possible Context for the Oxford Incident of 1268', Revue d'histoire ecclesiastique, vol. 90: 3-4 (July December, 1995) - p. 433. 5 William of Newburgh, p. 322. 116 CC, 1191, no. 675, from 03 June 1191. 43
transition marked by the Third Crusade. ' 17 Indeed, the Third Crusade contributed to the shape of many of the characteristics of the future crusades; it structurally embedded many features of the nautical crusades while bequeathing them some insidious patterns. The dependence on naval transportation meant that embarkation could only occur within a limited period, during the spring season. The Third and Fourth Crusades followed the long established naval and commercial experience of the Venetians and Genoese and therefore chose St Peter's day, at the end of June for their embarkation. Naval expeditions during the winter were avoided whenever possible, as John Pryor explains, storms and `dangerous squally conditions created in winter by localised meteorological phenomena... because of the hazards caused by reduced visibility. '118 Consequently, the embarkation date was set as early as possible in the spring, allowing enough time for the contingents to gather in the western-Mediterranean and send troops into battle in the east. The dependence on the Italian navies and the dealing with merchants and shipowners affected the mindset of the crusaders. When the French knights approached Genoa for assistance in shipping them to the Holy Land, they were introduced to its commercial, maritime and most importantly to its legal way of thinking. In the Genoese mind, freighting crusaders was not dissimilar to shipping other goods, and thus required a similar legal contract-119 The long-term effect of the contracts and regulations for the Third Crusade was vast. It marked a major step on the way to further institutionalising the crusades. By the time of the Fourth Crusade, it was taken for granted that a transportation contract needed signing. But the transmission of ideas and actions is evident in many other details of the arrangements. Calculation of the costs of the crusades was determined in the same manner: a charge per unit of a knight with his two squires and two horses. This formula must have been a result of previous experience of the Italians in the shipping of troops. However the changes that occurred in the contracts of the following crusades suggest a learning process and an evolution of the organisation of the crusades. On the eve of the Fourth Crusade, the number of horses taken was reduced by half to only one horse per knight. The total cost, however, increased by thirty percent. The high fee, coupled with wrong estimation of the needs, were the leading reasons that the Fourth Crusade was a financial disaster for its 117 Jean Richard, 'Le transport outre-mer des croises et des p8lerins', pp. 28-29. 118 John H. Pryor, Geography, Technology and War, p. 87. See also Fernand Braudel, The Mediterranean and the Mediterranean World in the Age of Philip II, trans. Sian Reynolds (London, 1972), vol. 1, pp. 248- 256. 119 On issues related to the shipping of crusaders see Jean Richard, 'Le transport outre-mer des croises et des p8lerins (XIIe-XVe siecles)', in Quellen und Darstellungen zur Hansische Geschichte, neue Folge, 34 (1989), 2744; Michel Balard, `Les transports des occidentaux vers les colonies du Levant au Moyen Age', in Klaus Friedland (ed. ), Maritime Aspects of Migration (Cologne, 1989), pp. 14-5; Michel Mollat, 'ProblPmes navals de 1'histoire des croisades' in Cahiers de Civilization MedievaleXe-Xlle-siecles, 10 (1967), pp. 345-359. 44
Page 1 and 2: PtiD . ascýo The Merchant of Genoa
Page 3 and 4: I 2 3 4 5 Contents: Abbreviations L
Page 5 and 6: Abbreviations Ann. Ian. Caffaro, An
Page 7 and 8: Tables Table 1: Genoese ships and t
Page 9 and 10: Introduction: The merchant of Genoa
Page 11 and 12: Benjamin Kedar, Marie-Luise Favreau
Page 13 and 14: notary Lanfranco from the first eig
Page 15 and 16: money or merchandise! These tables
Page 17 and 18: they used was dated and therefore m
Page 19 and 20: Genoa and the Third Crusade This ch
Page 21 and 22: example, that shipowners and sailor
Page 23 and 24: annals from that period, written by
Page 25 and 26: The first wave of Genoese crusaders
Page 27 and 28: East, especially under Conrad of Mo
Page 29 and 30: crusade. Two of them, Maurino and S
Page 31 and 32: Provisions (vianda) for each person
Page 33 and 34: the travelling contracts of the tim
Page 35 and 36: following year supply some leads to
Page 37 and 38: For example, the years 1190 to 1192
Page 39 and 40: they were promised part of the paym
Page 41 and 42: wine exported to Bougie and sold fo
Page 43: allowed to carry this money with hi
Page 47 and 48: Fourth Crusade, there was an increa
Page 49 and 50: 2 The impact of a crusade: the reac
Page 51 and 52: enewal and extension of Barbarossa'
Page 53 and 54: Oberto Malocello, and Heredes de Ma
Page 55 and 56: would sail in custodiam navium and
Page 57 and 58: The preparations for the Fourth Cru
Page 59 and 60: perhaps he was more accurate than u
Page 61 and 62: All the records that contain such r
Page 63 and 64: esult of various reasons including
Page 65 and 66: econfirmed. ' 87 The plan was there
Page 67 and 68: Not all merchants detailed their pl
Page 69 and 70: Figure 4: Map of the main trade and
Page 71 and 72: is correct and the significance of
Page 73 and 74: This paragraph is a conspicuous pre
Page 75 and 76: east at the same time as Giovanni t
Page 77 and 78: Abulafia wrote about Crete that `st
Page 79 and 80: Henry's fleet harbour in Tripoli? I
Page 81 and 82: Malta in Tripoli in great detail wi
Page 83 and 84: 3 An unprovoked crusade? This chapt
Page 85 and 86: success, especially with the women
Page 87 and 88: Although Friedman did not explicitl
Page 89 and 90: war business could have been for th
Page 91 and 92: Or vos dirai que les Sarazins d'Ali
Page 93 and 94: Pope Innocent III and the maritime
Page 95 and 96:
with Venice. 309 This eventually en
Page 97 and 98:
peace truces after Hattin, and espe
Page 99 and 100:
eceived concessions in Tripoli and
Page 101 and 102:
commerce in Bougie as well as Alexa
Page 103 and 104:
such specification was necessary. I
Page 105 and 106:
James's letters written to the pope
Page 107 and 108:
most of the ships that sailed in 12
Page 109 and 110:
The sum bequeathed was not related
Page 111 and 112:
4 Embriaco or do Biblio, what's In
Page 113 and 114:
town may contribute to the understa
Page 115 and 116:
Les Genois transformerent vite ou l
Page 117 and 118:
ecause another branch of the family
Page 119 and 120:
high fee. For Antioch, Genoa reques
Page 121 and 122:
Unfortunately, Gibelet was not incl
Page 123 and 124:
comparative map presented by Elieze
Page 125 and 126:
`perhaps most notable for its hands
Page 127 and 128:
[my 444 emphasis] At first glance,
Page 129 and 130:
One practical implication of this c
Page 131 and 132:
There was some similarity between t
Page 133 and 134:
of James of Vitry there is a simila
Page 135 and 136:
On the following day, 12 March 1186
Page 137 and 138:
of Genoa turned their attention mor
Page 139 and 140:
epresentatives of the church of St
Page 141 and 142:
church of St Lawrence were on the l
Page 143 and 144:
Figure 11: Acre - the census per ho
Page 145 and 146:
5 The Genoese communities in the ki
Page 147 and 148:
settlers acted as representatives o
Page 149 and 150:
suffered as a result of the Venetia
Page 151 and 152:
Tyre. Who was responsible to these
Page 153 and 154:
leased for twenty eight years in th
Page 155 and 156:
interests, and their intense enmity
Page 157 and 158:
Genoese sources. Perhaps some of th
Page 159 and 160:
Genoese. The Third and Fourth Crusa
Page 161 and 162:
her family could have been part of
Page 163 and 164:
Bonvicino, who were indeed new sett
Page 165 and 166:
was brought up in the parliament. I
Page 167 and 168:
Genoese names in the charters of Ar
Page 169 and 170:
Tyre. Perhaps this means that despi
Page 171 and 172:
Conclusions The main contribution o
Page 173 and 174:
towards the Latin East. The signifi
Page 175 and 176:
Appendix 2: The exchange rate betwe
Page 177 and 178:
c 'ýg C o° 1° cL 0 2 c u) . "c
Page 179 and 180:
Appendix 4: Bequest for the crusade
Page 181 and 182:
Edbury, Peter (ed. and trans. ), Th
Page 183 and 184:
Tangl, Georgine, Studien zum Regist
Page 185 and 186:
Bartholomaeis, Vincenzo de (ed. ),
Page 187 and 188:
Friedman, Yvonne, Encounter between
Page 189 and 190:
Olivieri, Agostino, Ìndice per ord
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