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et male zelantibus cupidis negotiatoribus, ex soliti quaestus diminutione. '79 This statement implies that some merchants were playing a double role in this situation of famine; some were saving people from hunger while others took advantage of the starving people. It is also interesting to contemplate the economic meaning of such an investment in comparison with the export of commodities in peaceful years. The Itinerarium twice remarks that the price of one measure of wheat, which was small enough to be carried under one's arm, amounted to 100 golden coins: `modii tritici, mensura modica quam videlicet quis facile portaret sub ascella, centum aureis vendebatur. ' Ambroise also wrote about the lack of supplies and the high price of wheat, which indeed amounted to 100 bezants: `Mull iert li muis de ble pesanz, l Qui costoit en Post cent besanz. '80 Later on in the text. He repeated this information: Qui esteit as gerniers gisanz, l Que cil vendeient cent besanz, / Sil mist de cent besanz a qutre: / Tel marcheanz s'il dut enbatre / Qui taut et si tost embati. [my emphasis] 81 Other sources provide similar information about the high price of commodities and especially grain. In Merton Hubert's translation of Ambroise, John La Monte noted about these prices that contemporary Muslim chronicles also wrote that a sack of grain was purchased in Acre for 100 bezants 82 The value of grain and wheat was usually much lower of course. The Genoese merchants who delivered the supplies to the Latin East had purchased these products in Europe for much lower sums. For example, a merchant named Ugo Papazella was sent in the spring of 1190 from Genoa to Corneto to purchase 10 modii frumenti. He was instructed to pay 18s per modium83 The evidence of famine and great demand for grain suggests that even when the price of grain had been reduced because the loaded ships arrived the revenues for the merchants were high. This also explains why some Genoese mariners asked to be paid in grain rather than coins. In the sailing contract between the shipowner, Bernardo Ricio, and two mariners from Camogli 79 Ibid, Ch. 79, Stubbs, p. 136; `the only ones who were sad and resentful were the greedy merchants, because the profits that they had been making would be reduced'', trans. by Nicholson, p. 136. 80 Ambroise, L'estoire de la guerre sainte, histoire en vers de la troisieme croisade (1190-1192), ed. Gaston Paris (Paris, 1897), p. 113, lines 4217-8. Merton J. Hubert translated these lines as: `Heavy the peck of grain that cost / An hundred besants in the host', Ambroise, The Crusae of Richard the Lion-Heart, trans. Merton J. Hubert with notes and documents by John L. La Monte (New York, 1941), p. 181. 81 Ambroise, 4493-6; Hubert translated: What corn the granaries contain- /A hundred besants cost the grain -/ And from a hundred cut the rate/ To Four. Well doth negotiate/ A merchant who thus lowers price. 82 Merton Hubert (ed. ), The Crusade of Richard Lion-Heart, p. 181, n. 24 83 OS, 1190, no. 261, from 16 March 1190. See also a discussion of this contract in David Abulafla, `Corneto-Tarquinia and the Italian Mercantile Republics: The Earliest Evidence', Papers of the British School at Rome, 42 (1974), pp. 226-7. 37
they were promised part of the payment in grain. 84 Presumably, with some luck and access to the black market they could have made larger profit 8S Interestingly, the Itinerarium mentioned in the context of the famine a case of one Pisan merchant who stored grain to sell in the future. He was punished by God when his house, loaded with wheat, caught fire: `domum illius Pisani, tritico refertam, igne subito vehementer succendi. '86 Commerce in other commodities was not completely withheld during this period: there was still demand for other items in 1191 to be transported through the port of Genoa to the Latin East and to be delivered back in Genoa. Fabrics and clothes are the obvious examples. Baldinelli, clothes, were shipped to the Latin East in the autumn of 1191,87 and other merchants were instructed to buy in the Latin East the famous cotton-linen fabric fustian, which owes its name to Fustat, today's Old Cairo 88 The latter evidence suggests that not all supplies were necessarily war supplies. It is also interesting to find some merchants who were instructed to travel to other destinations, Constantinople for example, but were given instructions in case the ships call at Sicily or Ultramare. Baldovino Scoto was one such merchant, who on 25 September 1191 received a sea-loan of £19 2s Od and promised to pay `perperos 3 mundos minus quartam per libram ad Constantinopolim. Et si in Sicilia fecerint portum, pro sol. 42, unciam 1 auri. Et si in Ultramare, bis 3 per libram mundos sarracenales, salva eunte nave... 89 This latter example implies that not all merchants had the aid of the crusade as a principal motivation for action, indeed, some had carried on with their commercial ventures driven by personal and economic interests. Genoa as a crossroads: What impression did the Third Crusade leave on Genoa and its inhabitants? So far this chapter concentrated on the travelling people of Genoa, the crusaders, shipowners and merchants. What role did the residents of Genoa play in the preparations for the crusade, and how did the crusade affect their lives? The preparations for the Third Crusade in Genoa are evident in many other notarial documents. Looking at the war from the focal point of Genoa as a city, the Third Crusade had the potential to promote economic prosperity for the commune and for individual Genoese. 84 OS, 1190, no. 17, from 16 January 1190 85 See for example a contract between Berardo Ricio and his sailors: OS, 1190, no. 17, from 16 January 1190. This ship sailed to Gaeta and Sardinia before its main destination - the Latin East. 861tinerarium, ch. 80, p. 137. 87 GC, 1013 from 16 September 1191; Baldinelli were eastern clothes or a western imitation. See Abulafia, The Two Italies, p. 234. 88 GC, 1105; on the fustian see David Abulafia, `The Role of Trade in Muslim-Christian Contact during the Middle Ages', p. 1. 89 GC, 1191, no. 1134, dated 25 September 1191. 38
Page 1 and 2: PtiD . ascýo The Merchant of Genoa
Page 3 and 4: I 2 3 4 5 Contents: Abbreviations L
Page 5 and 6: Abbreviations Ann. Ian. Caffaro, An
Page 7 and 8: Tables Table 1: Genoese ships and t
Page 9 and 10: Introduction: The merchant of Genoa
Page 11 and 12: Benjamin Kedar, Marie-Luise Favreau
Page 13 and 14: notary Lanfranco from the first eig
Page 15 and 16: money or merchandise! These tables
Page 17 and 18: they used was dated and therefore m
Page 19 and 20: Genoa and the Third Crusade This ch
Page 21 and 22: example, that shipowners and sailor
Page 23 and 24: annals from that period, written by
Page 25 and 26: The first wave of Genoese crusaders
Page 27 and 28: East, especially under Conrad of Mo
Page 29 and 30: crusade. Two of them, Maurino and S
Page 31 and 32: Provisions (vianda) for each person
Page 33 and 34: the travelling contracts of the tim
Page 35 and 36: following year supply some leads to
Page 37: For example, the years 1190 to 1192
Page 41 and 42: wine exported to Bougie and sold fo
Page 43 and 44: allowed to carry this money with hi
Page 45 and 46: transition marked by the Third Crus
Page 47 and 48: Fourth Crusade, there was an increa
Page 49 and 50: 2 The impact of a crusade: the reac
Page 51 and 52: enewal and extension of Barbarossa'
Page 53 and 54: Oberto Malocello, and Heredes de Ma
Page 55 and 56: would sail in custodiam navium and
Page 57 and 58: The preparations for the Fourth Cru
Page 59 and 60: perhaps he was more accurate than u
Page 61 and 62: All the records that contain such r
Page 63 and 64: esult of various reasons including
Page 65 and 66: econfirmed. ' 87 The plan was there
Page 67 and 68: Not all merchants detailed their pl
Page 69 and 70: Figure 4: Map of the main trade and
Page 71 and 72: is correct and the significance of
Page 73 and 74: This paragraph is a conspicuous pre
Page 75 and 76: east at the same time as Giovanni t
Page 77 and 78: Abulafia wrote about Crete that `st
Page 79 and 80: Henry's fleet harbour in Tripoli? I
Page 81 and 82: Malta in Tripoli in great detail wi
Page 83 and 84: 3 An unprovoked crusade? This chapt
Page 85 and 86: success, especially with the women
Page 87 and 88: Although Friedman did not explicitl
Page 89 and 90:
war business could have been for th
Page 91 and 92:
Or vos dirai que les Sarazins d'Ali
Page 93 and 94:
Pope Innocent III and the maritime
Page 95 and 96:
with Venice. 309 This eventually en
Page 97 and 98:
peace truces after Hattin, and espe
Page 99 and 100:
eceived concessions in Tripoli and
Page 101 and 102:
commerce in Bougie as well as Alexa
Page 103 and 104:
such specification was necessary. I
Page 105 and 106:
James's letters written to the pope
Page 107 and 108:
most of the ships that sailed in 12
Page 109 and 110:
The sum bequeathed was not related
Page 111 and 112:
4 Embriaco or do Biblio, what's In
Page 113 and 114:
town may contribute to the understa
Page 115 and 116:
Les Genois transformerent vite ou l
Page 117 and 118:
ecause another branch of the family
Page 119 and 120:
high fee. For Antioch, Genoa reques
Page 121 and 122:
Unfortunately, Gibelet was not incl
Page 123 and 124:
comparative map presented by Elieze
Page 125 and 126:
`perhaps most notable for its hands
Page 127 and 128:
[my 444 emphasis] At first glance,
Page 129 and 130:
One practical implication of this c
Page 131 and 132:
There was some similarity between t
Page 133 and 134:
of James of Vitry there is a simila
Page 135 and 136:
On the following day, 12 March 1186
Page 137 and 138:
of Genoa turned their attention mor
Page 139 and 140:
epresentatives of the church of St
Page 141 and 142:
church of St Lawrence were on the l
Page 143 and 144:
Figure 11: Acre - the census per ho
Page 145 and 146:
5 The Genoese communities in the ki
Page 147 and 148:
settlers acted as representatives o
Page 149 and 150:
suffered as a result of the Venetia
Page 151 and 152:
Tyre. Who was responsible to these
Page 153 and 154:
leased for twenty eight years in th
Page 155 and 156:
interests, and their intense enmity
Page 157 and 158:
Genoese sources. Perhaps some of th
Page 159 and 160:
Genoese. The Third and Fourth Crusa
Page 161 and 162:
her family could have been part of
Page 163 and 164:
Bonvicino, who were indeed new sett
Page 165 and 166:
was brought up in the parliament. I
Page 167 and 168:
Genoese names in the charters of Ar
Page 169 and 170:
Tyre. Perhaps this means that despi
Page 171 and 172:
Conclusions The main contribution o
Page 173 and 174:
towards the Latin East. The signifi
Page 175 and 176:
Appendix 2: The exchange rate betwe
Page 177 and 178:
c 'ýg C o° 1° cL 0 2 c u) . "c
Page 179 and 180:
Appendix 4: Bequest for the crusade
Page 181 and 182:
Edbury, Peter (ed. and trans. ), Th
Page 183 and 184:
Tangl, Georgine, Studien zum Regist
Page 185 and 186:
Bartholomaeis, Vincenzo de (ed. ),
Page 187 and 188:
Friedman, Yvonne, Encounter between
Page 189 and 190:
Olivieri, Agostino, `Indice per ord
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