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Genoese merchants saw their travels to the Latin East between 1188 and 1192 more as aid or as business enterprise. The involvement of younger relatives of the leaders of the crusade in trade to the Latin East in 1190-1 suggests that there was a correlation between the two goals. Apart from the younger generation of the Spinola family, there is evidence of other merchants who are related to the leaders of the crusade. In August 1190, Sergius de Castello and Fulco, the son of Fulco de Castello, invested in a cog that sailed to Ultramare. 7° Fulco de Castello had already been in the Latin East since 1189 where he served as one of the Genoese leaders of the expedition. Nicola Embriaco was also one of the leaders. In April 1192, probably after the death of Nicola Embriaco in the Latin East, 71 his two sons Guglielmo and Ugo leased the family lands in the Liguria for two years. One of the conditions in the contract was that if Guglielmo Embriaco remained in Ultramare at the end of two years the lease would be extended for another year. 12 It is not known if Guglielmo plan to join the crusade for two years or to trade. There is no way to know if he ever considered settling in the Latin East because by 1194 he was back in Genoa where he was appointed a consul of the commune. 3 Furthermore, this evidence of a firm family relationship between the leadership of the crusade and the younger generation of merchants who travelled to the Latin East strengthens the question about what motivated the Genoese in this period. It is not that coupling crusade and commerce was an unfamiliar concept at the time. The crusaders obviously needed supplies and it was not uncommon for merchants and crusaders to share ships. For example, in his chronicle of the Fourth Crusade, Villehardouin mentioned several occasions in which crusaders re-embarked from Zara or other places on merchants' ships for their journey to the kingdom of Jerusalem. Jean Richard and Benjamin Kedar show how in 1233 Templars and Hospitallers carried merchants and peregrine from Marseilles. 74 In the light of the evidence presented above, it seems this was indeed another case in which the two interests, crusade and commerce, were combined. The analysis of the travelling contracts in comparison to patterns of commerce in peaceful times reveals further interesting points about Genoa's contribution to the Third Crusade. 70 OS, 1190, no. 663, from 19 August 1190. 71 As mentioned above, there is no evidence that Nicola Embriaco returned to Genoa. Furthermore, in their contract, Ugo and Guglielmo acted also on behalf of their minor brothers who had been appointed guardian (tutor); Guglielmo himself was referred to asfilius quondam Nicole 72 GC, 1192, no. 1862 from 18 April 1192. 73 Ann. Ian., vol. 2, p. 44. The activities of two Nicolas in Genoa in these years are sometimes confusing. However, in the description of the annals in 1194, it is explicitly explained that this was Guglielmo the son of Nicola. In later documents the two are usually known as Guglielmo maior and Guglielmo junior. See more about their activities in Chapter Two. 74 Villehardouin, vol. 1, p. 100, sec. 101. Another description mentions many 'et assez d'autres nes de marcheans' escorting the crusading ships. See Villehardouin vol. 1, p. 123, sec 119; Benjamin Z. Kedar, `The Passenger List of a Crusader Ship, 1250', p. 269; On shipping of pilgrims and crusaders see Jean Richard, `Le transport outre-mer des croises et des p8lerins (Xlle-XVe siecles)', in Quellen and Darstellungen zur Hansische Geschichte, neue Folge, 34 (1989), pp. 32-34. 35
For example, the years 1190 to 1192 are the only period in which there is evidence in the cartularies that Genoa exported grain (grant) and wheat (frumenti) to the Latin East. Lynn White showed that Emperor Henry VI renewed on 30 December 1194 a concession to the church of St Mary's of the Latins to export annually 200 salmas of grain to the Latin East 75 White suggested that this privilege was originally granted by Roger II or William I. He wrote that ìt seems probable that an abbey as conspicuous as St Mary's of the Latins at Jerusalem would have had a permanent station in Messina from the time of the First Crusade, simply to attend the shipment of supplies to the Holy Land through that great entrepöt of Mediterranean trade. '76 However, it may be argued that the urgent reconfirmation of this privilege five days after Henry VI's coronation reveals that there was greater need of supplies in the Latin East during this period of the years of the re-established kingdom of Jerusalem. Evidence from the Genoese cartularies shows that merchants had to travel to Sardinia and other places to purchase the basic commodities and then ship them over to Tyre. For example, one document from 16 January 1190 was made between shipowners and mariners. The contract specifies the sailing route, from Genoa to Gaeta and Sardinia to purchase grain and then to sail on to Ultramare. 77 These contracts clearly reflect the needs of the crusaders outside the walls of Acre and the inhabitants of the Latin East at the time. Moreover, the description of famine in the Latin East covers many pages of the Itinerarium from the years 1190-1. The titles of some of the chapters are enough to give an idea about how desperate the situation was: `the harsh famine and the enormous price of goods' (ch. 66), `perishing with hunger, our people devour the corpses of their horses' (ch. 67), èven noblemen steal when they cannot afford to buy bread' (ch. 73), `the starving... die from drinking wine' (ch. 76). 78 Eventually, according to the chronicle, a ship loaded with grain saved the people from hunger. Most people were obviously delighted, but the author added a remark that contributes to the understanding of the role of the merchants in the Latin East during these years of the Third Crusade, according to which some of the merchants regretted the loss of profit: `dolentibus solis, 73 Lynn T. White, Latin Monasticism in Norman Sicily (Cambridge Mass., 1938), pp. 68,223; Rocco Pirri, Sicilia sacra, 3`d ed. by Antonino Mongitore (Palermo, 1733), p. 1132 76 Lynn White, Latin Monasticism, p. 227. 77 OS, 1190, no. 17; another contract from 11 June 1191 suggests travelling to north Africa first CC, 708- 709, and a contract from 27 January 1192 instructed the travelling merchants to sail to Guaranum first to purchase grain and then Ultramare. See GC, vol. 2, no. 1526 8 'De acerbitate famis nostrorum et magnitudine pretii venalium'; 'Nostri, fame pereuntes, cadavera equorum... , 'Nobiles etiam viri, cum non haberent unde panem emerent, furabantur ; 'Famelici... vinum potantes moriuntur'. Itinerarium peregrinorum et gesta regis Ricardi, ed., William Stubbs in Chronicles and Memorials of the Reign of Richard 1, vol. 1 (London, 1864), pp. 124-133. Translated by Helen J. Nicholson, Chronicle of the Third Crusade: A Translation of the Ifinerarium peregrinorum et gesta regist Ricardi (Aldershot, 1997), 126-133. 36
Page 1 and 2: PtiD . ascýo The Merchant of Genoa
Page 3 and 4: I 2 3 4 5 Contents: Abbreviations L
Page 5 and 6: Abbreviations Ann. Ian. Caffaro, An
Page 7 and 8: Tables Table 1: Genoese ships and t
Page 9 and 10: Introduction: The merchant of Genoa
Page 11 and 12: Benjamin Kedar, Marie-Luise Favreau
Page 13 and 14: notary Lanfranco from the first eig
Page 15 and 16: money or merchandise! These tables
Page 17 and 18: they used was dated and therefore m
Page 19 and 20: Genoa and the Third Crusade This ch
Page 21 and 22: example, that shipowners and sailor
Page 23 and 24: annals from that period, written by
Page 25 and 26: The first wave of Genoese crusaders
Page 27 and 28: East, especially under Conrad of Mo
Page 29 and 30: crusade. Two of them, Maurino and S
Page 31 and 32: Provisions (vianda) for each person
Page 33 and 34: the travelling contracts of the tim
Page 35: following year supply some leads to
Page 39 and 40: they were promised part of the paym
Page 41 and 42: wine exported to Bougie and sold fo
Page 43 and 44: allowed to carry this money with hi
Page 45 and 46: transition marked by the Third Crus
Page 47 and 48: Fourth Crusade, there was an increa
Page 49 and 50: 2 The impact of a crusade: the reac
Page 51 and 52: enewal and extension of Barbarossa'
Page 53 and 54: Oberto Malocello, and Heredes de Ma
Page 55 and 56: would sail in custodiam navium and
Page 57 and 58: The preparations for the Fourth Cru
Page 59 and 60: perhaps he was more accurate than u
Page 61 and 62: All the records that contain such r
Page 63 and 64: esult of various reasons including
Page 65 and 66: econfirmed. ' 87 The plan was there
Page 67 and 68: Not all merchants detailed their pl
Page 69 and 70: Figure 4: Map of the main trade and
Page 71 and 72: is correct and the significance of
Page 73 and 74: This paragraph is a conspicuous pre
Page 75 and 76: east at the same time as Giovanni t
Page 77 and 78: Abulafia wrote about Crete that `st
Page 79 and 80: Henry's fleet harbour in Tripoli? I
Page 81 and 82: Malta in Tripoli in great detail wi
Page 83 and 84: 3 An unprovoked crusade? This chapt
Page 85 and 86: success, especially with the women
Page 87 and 88:
Although Friedman did not explicitl
Page 89 and 90:
war business could have been for th
Page 91 and 92:
Or vos dirai que les Sarazins d'Ali
Page 93 and 94:
Pope Innocent III and the maritime
Page 95 and 96:
with Venice. 309 This eventually en
Page 97 and 98:
peace truces after Hattin, and espe
Page 99 and 100:
eceived concessions in Tripoli and
Page 101 and 102:
commerce in Bougie as well as Alexa
Page 103 and 104:
such specification was necessary. I
Page 105 and 106:
James's letters written to the pope
Page 107 and 108:
most of the ships that sailed in 12
Page 109 and 110:
The sum bequeathed was not related
Page 111 and 112:
4 Embriaco or do Biblio, what's In
Page 113 and 114:
town may contribute to the understa
Page 115 and 116:
Les Genois transformerent vite ou l
Page 117 and 118:
ecause another branch of the family
Page 119 and 120:
high fee. For Antioch, Genoa reques
Page 121 and 122:
Unfortunately, Gibelet was not incl
Page 123 and 124:
comparative map presented by Elieze
Page 125 and 126:
`perhaps most notable for its hands
Page 127 and 128:
[my 444 emphasis] At first glance,
Page 129 and 130:
One practical implication of this c
Page 131 and 132:
There was some similarity between t
Page 133 and 134:
of James of Vitry there is a simila
Page 135 and 136:
On the following day, 12 March 1186
Page 137 and 138:
of Genoa turned their attention mor
Page 139 and 140:
epresentatives of the church of St
Page 141 and 142:
church of St Lawrence were on the l
Page 143 and 144:
Figure 11: Acre - the census per ho
Page 145 and 146:
5 The Genoese communities in the ki
Page 147 and 148:
settlers acted as representatives o
Page 149 and 150:
suffered as a result of the Venetia
Page 151 and 152:
Tyre. Who was responsible to these
Page 153 and 154:
leased for twenty eight years in th
Page 155 and 156:
interests, and their intense enmity
Page 157 and 158:
Genoese sources. Perhaps some of th
Page 159 and 160:
Genoese. The Third and Fourth Crusa
Page 161 and 162:
her family could have been part of
Page 163 and 164:
Bonvicino, who were indeed new sett
Page 165 and 166:
was brought up in the parliament. I
Page 167 and 168:
Genoese names in the charters of Ar
Page 169 and 170:
Tyre. Perhaps this means that despi
Page 171 and 172:
Conclusions The main contribution o
Page 173 and 174:
towards the Latin East. The signifi
Page 175 and 176:
Appendix 2: The exchange rate betwe
Page 177 and 178:
c 'ýg C o° 1° cL 0 2 c u) . "c
Page 179 and 180:
Appendix 4: Bequest for the crusade
Page 181 and 182:
Edbury, Peter (ed. and trans. ), Th
Page 183 and 184:
Tangl, Georgine, Studien zum Regist
Page 185 and 186:
Bartholomaeis, Vincenzo de (ed. ),
Page 187 and 188:
Friedman, Yvonne, Encounter between
Page 189 and 190:
Olivieri, Agostino, Ìndice per ord
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