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Johanni and Andree de Tripoli, Arnaldo de Saona and Johanne de Acri had some trouble with their ship in the harbour of Genoa and had to rent galleys and people to lift it out the water . 577 This short discussion of the population of the Genoese communities in the Latin East should be carried further by utilising more evidence from the notarial cartularies, which were not part of this research. The impression established thus far is that from the time of Conrad of Montferrat onwards, the Latin East had attracted Genoese and Ligurian people of various social stands, however, it was special opportunity for low rank knights, merchants and sailors to promote their social position. The lack of private properties in the report of 1248-9 meant that there is gap of information about the Genoese population of the kingdom of Jerusalem, which might explain the absence of the leading trading families in these reports. s" Guglielmo di Sori, MS 102, pp. 128 V2-129 R1, contract from the 02 March 1200. 169
Conclusions The main contribution of this dissertation is in the comprehensive use of notarial evidence for the study of the history of the crusades and the Latin East. Inevitably, there are many findings that would interest historians of other fields too. Some issues regarding the financial and other economic aspects of the crusades were addressed in this dissertation, such as the meaning of the shipping of the crusaders and the supply of war-time commodities to the Latin East. This discussion proved that there is still need of a study of the economic history of the crusades to be written. The lack of such scholarship was both an obstacle and a challenge that had to be encountered several times in this thesis. This dissertation should, therefore, be seen as an attempt to fill up some of the gap in the existing historiography. In other words, it was a step in the exploration of Genoa's relations with the crusading movement and the crusading states. The research was carried out with a particular emphasis on the view of the Genoese people as they were presented in the cartularies during certain years of the crusades. In the light of the evidence presented, several conclusions can be drawn. The commune as well as individual Genoese contributed to the success of the Third Crusade. Moreover, the full commitment of Genoa to the Third Crusade was made evident through the examination of the notarial records of the year 1190. This commitment was compared to Venice's approach to the shipping of the crusaders at the time of the Fourth Crusade. The support of individual Genoese to the crusade was evident in their donation of money to support individual knights and the Latin East in general. The supply of commodities and especially the shipping of grain were commercial investments as well as act of crusading charity. The mercantile and legal cultures of the Genoese were used to organise the Third Crusade. Genoa thus contributed to the institutionalisation of the crusading movement as the application of similar contracts became a standard in the organisation of following crusades. In 1190, the Third Crusade seemed to indicate prospect and boom to the Genoese but by August of that year the city entered a phase of financial problems when the crusade failed to embark as planned. The impact of these years in Genoa may be seen in the city's reluctance to accept the shipping contract for the Fourth Crusade. Genoa, however, also benefited during this period when trade relations were established with new markets like England. It was also made clear that individual bankers and merchants profited from the traffic of crusaders and merchants through the port of Genoa. The examination of Genoa at the time of the Fourth Crusade was a challenge of a different nature. Several issues were addressed, the reasons that Genoa did not join the crusade, how were Genoa and its Mediterranean web of commerce affected by the crusade and finally in 170
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PtiD . ascýo The Merchant of Genoa
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I 2 3 4 5 Contents: Abbreviations L
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Abbreviations Ann. Ian. Caffaro, An
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Tables Table 1: Genoese ships and t
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Introduction: The merchant of Genoa
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Benjamin Kedar, Marie-Luise Favreau
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notary Lanfranco from the first eig
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money or merchandise! These tables
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they used was dated and therefore m
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Genoa and the Third Crusade This ch
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example, that shipowners and sailor
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annals from that period, written by
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The first wave of Genoese crusaders
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East, especially under Conrad of Mo
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crusade. Two of them, Maurino and S
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Provisions (vianda) for each person
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the travelling contracts of the tim
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following year supply some leads to
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For example, the years 1190 to 1192
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they were promised part of the paym
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wine exported to Bougie and sold fo
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allowed to carry this money with hi
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transition marked by the Third Crus
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Fourth Crusade, there was an increa
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2 The impact of a crusade: the reac
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enewal and extension of Barbarossa'
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Oberto Malocello, and Heredes de Ma
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would sail in custodiam navium and
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The preparations for the Fourth Cru
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perhaps he was more accurate than u
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All the records that contain such r
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esult of various reasons including
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econfirmed. ' 87 The plan was there
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Not all merchants detailed their pl
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Figure 4: Map of the main trade and
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is correct and the significance of
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This paragraph is a conspicuous pre
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east at the same time as Giovanni t
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Abulafia wrote about Crete that `st
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Henry's fleet harbour in Tripoli? I
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Malta in Tripoli in great detail wi
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3 An unprovoked crusade? This chapt
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success, especially with the women
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Although Friedman did not explicitl
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war business could have been for th
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Or vos dirai que les Sarazins d'Ali
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Pope Innocent III and the maritime
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with Venice. 309 This eventually en
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peace truces after Hattin, and espe
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eceived concessions in Tripoli and
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commerce in Bougie as well as Alexa
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such specification was necessary. I
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James's letters written to the pope
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most of the ships that sailed in 12
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The sum bequeathed was not related
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4 Embriaco or do Biblio, what's In
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town may contribute to the understa
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Les Genois transformerent vite ou l
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ecause another branch of the family
Page 119 and 120: high fee. For Antioch, Genoa reques
Page 121 and 122: Unfortunately, Gibelet was not incl
Page 123 and 124: comparative map presented by Elieze
Page 125 and 126: `perhaps most notable for its hands
Page 127 and 128: [my 444 emphasis] At first glance,
Page 129 and 130: One practical implication of this c
Page 131 and 132: There was some similarity between t
Page 133 and 134: of James of Vitry there is a simila
Page 135 and 136: On the following day, 12 March 1186
Page 137 and 138: of Genoa turned their attention mor
Page 139 and 140: epresentatives of the church of St
Page 141 and 142: church of St Lawrence were on the l
Page 143 and 144: Figure 11: Acre - the census per ho
Page 145 and 146: 5 The Genoese communities in the ki
Page 147 and 148: settlers acted as representatives o
Page 149 and 150: suffered as a result of the Venetia
Page 151 and 152: Tyre. Who was responsible to these
Page 153 and 154: leased for twenty eight years in th
Page 155 and 156: interests, and their intense enmity
Page 157 and 158: Genoese sources. Perhaps some of th
Page 159 and 160: Genoese. The Third and Fourth Crusa
Page 161 and 162: her family could have been part of
Page 163 and 164: Bonvicino, who were indeed new sett
Page 165 and 166: was brought up in the parliament. I
Page 167 and 168: Genoese names in the charters of Ar
Page 169: Tyre. Perhaps this means that despi
Page 173 and 174: towards the Latin East. The signifi
Page 175 and 176: Appendix 2: The exchange rate betwe
Page 177 and 178: c 'ýg C o° 1° cL 0 2 c u) . "c
Page 179 and 180: Appendix 4: Bequest for the crusade
Page 181 and 182: Edbury, Peter (ed. and trans. ), Th
Page 183 and 184: Tangl, Georgine, Studien zum Regist
Page 185 and 186: Bartholomaeis, Vincenzo de (ed. ),
Page 187 and 188: Friedman, Yvonne, Encounter between
Page 189 and 190: Olivieri, Agostino, `Indice per ord
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