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The Genoese inhabitants of the kingdom of Jerusalem after 1187 The Genoese community in the Latin East after 1187 had been through long trail of hardship until it established itself as a functioning body with basic facilities that could support the community. Despite the fact that, as was already demonstrated, concessions were generously bestowed on the Genoese between 1187 and 1195, the community had many basic needs, from housing and commercial facilities to spiritual rights. The move to Tyre also meant relocation of the Genoese who already lived in the kingdom of Jerusalem. One of the questions is who were the Genoese who settled in Tyre? Were they refugees from the rest of the kingdom or predominantly new immigrants, crusaders and merchants from Genoa? The issue of the 1187 refugees and their place of refuge are interesting. The notarial records from 1190 to 1192 do not provide much evidence about refugees from the crusader states in Genoa itself. Perhaps it should not be surprising considering that if people escaped as refugees they probably had no capital to invest in Genoese trade. Perhaps they could not afford to pay the notaries. It should be also made clear that there is not much evidence in the cartularies of traffic coming from the Latin East to Genoa even in peaceful times. Merchants who travelled in that direction carried out their legal arrangements in front of notaries in Acre or in Tyre. Shelomo Gotein found evidence of a similar process in the case of merchants who travelled to Genoa from Old Cairo 553 With this in mind, it is interesting to find several cases that seem to be related to the fall of the first kingdom of Jerusalem. One such case is of Magalda, wife of lohannes from Jerusalem who was in Genoa on 08 April 1190. She went to see the notary Oberto Scriba with her sons Wuilielmus and Martinus. Magalda and Wuilielmus made a contract with Martinus and handed over to him a large sum of £370 that he was to take to his siblings, Iohannes, Symon, and Adalaxia: Confesi fuerunt... Magalda de Jerusalem et Wuilielmus eius filius quod per Martinum filium predicte Magalde mitebant Ultramare Johanni et Symoni et Adalaxie filiis predicte Magalde et fratribus prefati Wuilielmi L370... Et beize fuit cunfesus Martinus quod predictas res portal... 554 Although the document does not specify so, the other children and siblings must have been in Tyre at the time. This is unfortunately all the information provided in the record. Furthermore, in the cartulary of Oberto Scriba it is the only example that seems to be linked to the fate of the refugees in 1187. The contract fails, however, to tell the complete story. Magalda and 553 Oberto de Bramante is one such notary who is known to have worked in Acre in 1218 and 1222. See the summary of the proceedings of a court case from 1224, which mentions the role of Oberto as notary in Acre in 1218: Mag. Sal., nos. 736-739, pp. 308-316; Oberto is also mentioned as the notary of Acre in documents from 1222 which were published as an appendix to Favreau-Lilie's article, 'Friedenssicherung and Kofliktbegrenzung', pp. 444-447. Shelomo D. Goitein, A Mediterranean Society: An Abridgment in One Volume, ed. Jacob Lassner, (Berkeley, 1999), pp. 36-38,312-3. 5340S9 1190, no. 356. The Latin names of these individuals was used here because their identity and language are not known. 159
her family could have been part of the large group of refugees whom Saladin's soldiers led from Jerusalem to Alexandria. Those refugees were the fortunate ones who won the pity of Saladin and were sent on Italian ships to the west. Perhaps Magalda and her two sons happened to be away in 1187 and thus escaped the fate shared by many of the Latin population of Jerusalem, including three of Magalda's own children. The contract volunteers no answers to these questions. It does not even mention the fate of the father of the family or what were the sources from which Magalda raised the funds. In another record of March 1190, Hugh of Acre witnessed a contract in Genoa on behalf of merchants who travelled to Marseilles 555 There is no way to tell what were the circumstances that brought him to Genoa because Hugh is not mentioned in the cartularies again. The opposite phenomenon to the movement of people from the kingdom of Jerusalem is obviously the influx of crusaders who potentially were new settlers. Were there such cases of Genoese immigrating to the kingdom of Jerusalem? If so, what motivated them? Was their action religiously or economically oriented? A close examination of the charters that involved the Genoese community examines who were the Genoese active in the politics of the commune in the Latin East. Table 6 breaks the witness list into three groups: the Genoese, the local witnesses and the names that were not identified. The circles over two adjacent cells indicate that the same people witnessed in the two charters covered by each circle. Highlighted are cells that include groups of people who could have been settlers in the Genoese quarter and that will be closely observed in tables 7-9. Table 6 provides some interesting clues about the relationship between Genoa and the Latin East. The first point is that only the charters by Conrad of Montferrat and Archbishop Joscius (who was acting under Conrad) included names of Genoese witnesses. The other charters granted by Bohemond III, King Guy of Lusignan and Henry of Champagne did not include witnesses on the Genoese side at all. On the other hand, Conrad's men included some obscure names. Most of the people, not only the Genoese, had arrived in the Latin East at the same time or shortly after Conrad did. 555 OS, 1190, no. 270 160
Page 1 and 2:
PtiD . ascýo The Merchant of Genoa
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I 2 3 4 5 Contents: Abbreviations L
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Abbreviations Ann. Ian. Caffaro, An
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Tables Table 1: Genoese ships and t
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Introduction: The merchant of Genoa
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Benjamin Kedar, Marie-Luise Favreau
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notary Lanfranco from the first eig
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money or merchandise! These tables
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they used was dated and therefore m
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Genoa and the Third Crusade This ch
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example, that shipowners and sailor
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annals from that period, written by
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The first wave of Genoese crusaders
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East, especially under Conrad of Mo
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crusade. Two of them, Maurino and S
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Provisions (vianda) for each person
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the travelling contracts of the tim
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following year supply some leads to
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For example, the years 1190 to 1192
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they were promised part of the paym
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wine exported to Bougie and sold fo
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allowed to carry this money with hi
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transition marked by the Third Crus
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Fourth Crusade, there was an increa
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2 The impact of a crusade: the reac
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enewal and extension of Barbarossa'
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Oberto Malocello, and Heredes de Ma
Page 55 and 56:
would sail in custodiam navium and
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The preparations for the Fourth Cru
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perhaps he was more accurate than u
Page 61 and 62:
All the records that contain such r
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esult of various reasons including
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econfirmed. ' 87 The plan was there
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Not all merchants detailed their pl
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Figure 4: Map of the main trade and
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is correct and the significance of
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This paragraph is a conspicuous pre
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east at the same time as Giovanni t
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Abulafia wrote about Crete that `st
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Henry's fleet harbour in Tripoli? I
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Malta in Tripoli in great detail wi
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3 An unprovoked crusade? This chapt
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success, especially with the women
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Although Friedman did not explicitl
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war business could have been for th
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Or vos dirai que les Sarazins d'Ali
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Pope Innocent III and the maritime
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with Venice. 309 This eventually en
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peace truces after Hattin, and espe
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eceived concessions in Tripoli and
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commerce in Bougie as well as Alexa
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such specification was necessary. I
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James's letters written to the pope
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most of the ships that sailed in 12
Page 109 and 110: The sum bequeathed was not related
Page 111 and 112: 4 Embriaco or do Biblio, what's In
Page 113 and 114: town may contribute to the understa
Page 115 and 116: Les Genois transformerent vite ou l
Page 117 and 118: ecause another branch of the family
Page 119 and 120: high fee. For Antioch, Genoa reques
Page 121 and 122: Unfortunately, Gibelet was not incl
Page 123 and 124: comparative map presented by Elieze
Page 125 and 126: `perhaps most notable for its hands
Page 127 and 128: [my 444 emphasis] At first glance,
Page 129 and 130: One practical implication of this c
Page 131 and 132: There was some similarity between t
Page 133 and 134: of James of Vitry there is a simila
Page 135 and 136: On the following day, 12 March 1186
Page 137 and 138: of Genoa turned their attention mor
Page 139 and 140: epresentatives of the church of St
Page 141 and 142: church of St Lawrence were on the l
Page 143 and 144: Figure 11: Acre - the census per ho
Page 145 and 146: 5 The Genoese communities in the ki
Page 147 and 148: settlers acted as representatives o
Page 149 and 150: suffered as a result of the Venetia
Page 151 and 152: Tyre. Who was responsible to these
Page 153 and 154: leased for twenty eight years in th
Page 155 and 156: interests, and their intense enmity
Page 157 and 158: Genoese sources. Perhaps some of th
Page 159: Genoese. The Third and Fourth Crusa
Page 163 and 164: Bonvicino, who were indeed new sett
Page 165 and 166: was brought up in the parliament. I
Page 167 and 168: Genoese names in the charters of Ar
Page 169 and 170: Tyre. Perhaps this means that despi
Page 171 and 172: Conclusions The main contribution o
Page 173 and 174: towards the Latin East. The signifi
Page 175 and 176: Appendix 2: The exchange rate betwe
Page 177 and 178: c 'ýg C o° 1° cL 0 2 c u) . "c
Page 179 and 180: Appendix 4: Bequest for the crusade
Page 181 and 182: Edbury, Peter (ed. and trans. ), Th
Page 183 and 184: Tangl, Georgine, Studien zum Regist
Page 185 and 186: Bartholomaeis, Vincenzo de (ed. ),
Page 187 and 188: Friedman, Yvonne, Encounter between
Page 189 and 190: Olivieri, Agostino, `Indice per ord
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