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Tyre in October of the same year. Furthermore, a similar charter granted to the Pisans is dated to July 1187, probably the same time as the Genoese charters were granted. The witnesses to the charter were also leading figures from the crusading states, domino Raimundi Biblii among them. The barons' charter was not granted as a reward for particular Genoese service or future help. The Genoese needed space and houses to conduct their military and commercial activities in Tyre. The charter provided a slaughterhouse (macellum), which meant a source of income. Guglielmo Piperata who acted as a consul et vicecomite Genuensium Tyri, did not promise anything in exchange at this stage. Presumably, he did not have the authority to promise the help of the Genoese navy and it is likely that there was no particular battle planned apart from saving whatever could be saved. David Jacoby argued that Piperata should be identified with Guglielmo Piper the younger. Jacoby relied in this interpretation on Eugene Byrne's analysis of the Genoese consulate in the Latin East. 525 Jacoby also suggested that Guglielmo Piper was appointed in Genoa, before the battle of Hattin, to serve in the kingdom of Jerusalem. This hypothesis is problematic for several reasons. First, the evidence for the activities of Genoese consuls in the Latin East comes only from the period subsequent to the battle of Hattin. In other words, Guglielmo Piperata is the first known Genoese consul in a list of twenty nine consuls or vicecomites who are known to have acted in the Latin East from 1187 to 1260.526 Furthermore, Piperata's title, consul of the Genoese in Tyre, suggests that he could not have been appointed to this position in Genoa before Hattin, while Genoa did not yet possess property and rights in Tyre. Jacoby's second hypothesis, that Piperata was appointed by the Genoese refugees and merchants in Tyre in order to act on their behalf, is therefore more likely. There are other reasons to conclude that the Genoese did not appoint consuls for Acre before 1187. In the year 1186, only one year before the fall of the kingdom of Jerusalem, Pope Urban III wrote fourteen letters to the ecclesiastical and lay personnel of the crusader states about Genoese property and rights. This series of letters was already discussed in Chapter Four because six of these letters were concerned with the outstanding debts for Byblos. However, eight letters concerned Genoese property and rights in the kingdom of Jerusalem itself. These letters do not mention consuls or any other Genoese authority, secular or ecclesiastical, that the king was requested to cooperate with in order to solve the problem. The only information known about the patterns of government of the Genoese commune before the war is that in the 1150s Acre was 525 Eugene H. Byrne, `The Genoese Colonies in Syria', in Louis J. Paetow (ed. ), The Crusades and Other Historical Essays (New York, 1928), pp. 165-170. 526 See Table 5. According to Byrne `nearly fifty (consuls and vicecomites) can be designated by name between 1187 and the close of the crusades', ibid, p. 169. However, the list presented in the table of the consuls and vicecomites between the years 1187 and 1260 contains only 29 names. 151
leased for twenty eight years in the same manner that Gibelet was. This evidence suggests that before 1187 the Genoese had had a different type of administration than a short term consulate. 527 Bohemond's charter from 1189 is different to the other charters in many respects. It was granted to the Genoese by Prince Bohemond III of Antioch because the Genoese helped the prince to save Antioch from Saladin's troops. Bohemond, therefore, granted the Genoese commercial and legal privileges in his territory. Who were the recipients of this charter? The charter does not name an official representative of the commune in the Latin East, its language is vague in the descriptions: `ego Boamundus... dono et... concedo omnibus consulibus et lanuensibus Ianue.... 'S28 The witness list was comprised of the bishop of Tripoli, the seneschal of Antioch and other people, all on the prince's side, which means that there is no way of discerning who were the individual Genoese who helped the prince and received these privileges. The vague form of this charter appears elsewhere too. It is not clear, for example, what aid was supplied by the Genoese. All the document says is that the charter was given `propter bona eorum servitia et precipue quia ad necessitatem Antiochie succursum suum et auxilium ylari animo transmisere. '529 Bohemond's charter was granted in April 1189, before the large Genoese fleet embarked from Genoa. This can be inferred from the fact that on 30 April 1189 the consuls of Genoa, including Guido Spinola, were still in Genoa, which suggests that the crusaders did not leave Genoa until later in that year and could not have helped Bohemond in Antioch 53o Was the Genoese aid supplied by local Genoese, inhabitants of the kingdom of Jerusalem, or some commercial Genoese ships that happened to be in the district in 1187? One such ship belonged to the Genoese Baldovino Erminio who together with Ansaldo Binvicini assisted Conrad of Montferrat to escape from Acre and save Tyre in 1187. Ansaldo was later appointed the castellan of Tyre. There is also evidence of other Genoese that came to help the kingdom in its struggle for existence. In the Regni Iherosolymitani brevis historia, which is a short Genoese version of the history of the kingdom of Jerusalem, the chronicle mentioned many Genoese (maximam quantitatem lanuensium) who sailed to Tyre from Romania and Sicily. 31 Some of these Genoese must have embarked with the fleet despatched by the king of Sicily. Other Genoese must have been merchants who travelled from Constantinople as suggested by Jacoby. 532 It is nonetheless interesting that these groups of Genoese did not appoint official leaders or representatives to act on their behalf. It is thus hard to establish who governed the Genoese community in the Latin East at that time of crisis and who the first Genoese crusaders to offer help to the kingdom of 5271 Libri lurium, vol. 1/1, nos. 165, pp. 240-1. 5281 Libri lurium, vol. 1/2,342, p. 161. 5291bid, p. 161 530 The consuls signed a contract in Genoa on that day. See CDG, vol. 2, no. 183, pp. 352-3. 331 Regni Iherosolymitani brevis historia, in Ann. Ian., vol. 1, p. 143. 532 David Jacoby, `Conrad, Marquis of Montferrat', pp. 202-3. 152
Page 1 and 2:
PtiD . ascýo The Merchant of Genoa
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I 2 3 4 5 Contents: Abbreviations L
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Abbreviations Ann. Ian. Caffaro, An
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Tables Table 1: Genoese ships and t
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Introduction: The merchant of Genoa
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Benjamin Kedar, Marie-Luise Favreau
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notary Lanfranco from the first eig
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money or merchandise! These tables
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they used was dated and therefore m
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Genoa and the Third Crusade This ch
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example, that shipowners and sailor
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annals from that period, written by
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The first wave of Genoese crusaders
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East, especially under Conrad of Mo
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crusade. Two of them, Maurino and S
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Provisions (vianda) for each person
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the travelling contracts of the tim
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following year supply some leads to
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For example, the years 1190 to 1192
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they were promised part of the paym
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wine exported to Bougie and sold fo
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allowed to carry this money with hi
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transition marked by the Third Crus
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Fourth Crusade, there was an increa
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2 The impact of a crusade: the reac
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enewal and extension of Barbarossa'
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Oberto Malocello, and Heredes de Ma
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would sail in custodiam navium and
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The preparations for the Fourth Cru
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perhaps he was more accurate than u
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All the records that contain such r
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esult of various reasons including
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econfirmed. ' 87 The plan was there
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Not all merchants detailed their pl
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Figure 4: Map of the main trade and
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is correct and the significance of
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This paragraph is a conspicuous pre
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east at the same time as Giovanni t
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Abulafia wrote about Crete that `st
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Henry's fleet harbour in Tripoli? I
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Malta in Tripoli in great detail wi
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3 An unprovoked crusade? This chapt
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success, especially with the women
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Although Friedman did not explicitl
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war business could have been for th
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Or vos dirai que les Sarazins d'Ali
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Pope Innocent III and the maritime
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with Venice. 309 This eventually en
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peace truces after Hattin, and espe
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eceived concessions in Tripoli and
Page 101 and 102: commerce in Bougie as well as Alexa
Page 103 and 104: such specification was necessary. I
Page 105 and 106: James's letters written to the pope
Page 107 and 108: most of the ships that sailed in 12
Page 109 and 110: The sum bequeathed was not related
Page 111 and 112: 4 Embriaco or do Biblio, what's In
Page 113 and 114: town may contribute to the understa
Page 115 and 116: Les Genois transformerent vite ou l
Page 117 and 118: ecause another branch of the family
Page 119 and 120: high fee. For Antioch, Genoa reques
Page 121 and 122: Unfortunately, Gibelet was not incl
Page 123 and 124: comparative map presented by Elieze
Page 125 and 126: `perhaps most notable for its hands
Page 127 and 128: [my 444 emphasis] At first glance,
Page 129 and 130: One practical implication of this c
Page 131 and 132: There was some similarity between t
Page 133 and 134: of James of Vitry there is a simila
Page 135 and 136: On the following day, 12 March 1186
Page 137 and 138: of Genoa turned their attention mor
Page 139 and 140: epresentatives of the church of St
Page 141 and 142: church of St Lawrence were on the l
Page 143 and 144: Figure 11: Acre - the census per ho
Page 145 and 146: 5 The Genoese communities in the ki
Page 147 and 148: settlers acted as representatives o
Page 149 and 150: suffered as a result of the Venetia
Page 151: Tyre. Who was responsible to these
Page 155 and 156: interests, and their intense enmity
Page 157 and 158: Genoese sources. Perhaps some of th
Page 159 and 160: Genoese. The Third and Fourth Crusa
Page 161 and 162: her family could have been part of
Page 163 and 164: Bonvicino, who were indeed new sett
Page 165 and 166: was brought up in the parliament. I
Page 167 and 168: Genoese names in the charters of Ar
Page 169 and 170: Tyre. Perhaps this means that despi
Page 171 and 172: Conclusions The main contribution o
Page 173 and 174: towards the Latin East. The signifi
Page 175 and 176: Appendix 2: The exchange rate betwe
Page 177 and 178: c 'ýg C o° 1° cL 0 2 c u) . "c
Page 179 and 180: Appendix 4: Bequest for the crusade
Page 181 and 182: Edbury, Peter (ed. and trans. ), Th
Page 183 and 184: Tangl, Georgine, Studien zum Regist
Page 185 and 186: Bartholomaeis, Vincenzo de (ed. ),
Page 187 and 188: Friedman, Yvonne, Encounter between
Page 189 and 190: Olivieri, Agostino, `Indice per ord
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