The Crusades, the Genoese and the Latin East - DSpace at ...
The Crusades, the Genoese and the Latin East - DSpace at ... The Crusades, the Genoese and the Latin East - DSpace at ...
Wahrheit nicht niedergelassen hatten. 522 Favreau-Lilie thus highlighted the problematic conclusion in Prawer's work. She also demonstrated how many of the people counted by Prawer as permanent inhabitants of the Latin East were in fact merchants or crusaders, Venetians who passed by the crusader state but never settled there. In contrast to Prawer's theory, Favreau-Lilie therefore suggested a different approach of research, in which the survey of names would include only people who are explicitly known to have lived in the Latin East, preferably those who are known to have had family there or who were mentioned in the text with a new surname that indicates that they were indeed inhabitants of the Latin East. Favreau-Lilie's methodology and her suggestion to exclude the names of people who are not explicitly described in the contemporary sources as inhabitants of one of the Italian quarters is problematic. It is especially so because the information given in the documents about individual merchants or settlers is often limited to people's names. As a result of this approach, Favreau- Lilie was left with not enough data to offer an alternative conclusion about the nature of the Venetian society in the Latin East. This is probably why scholars such as Michel Balard accepted Prawer's theory that the Venetian aristocracy, in particular the families listed by Prawer, had strong relations with the Latin East 523 The reestablishment of the Genoese commune and the foundation of the Syrian consulate, 1187 -1195 The Genoese inhabitants of the kingdom of Jerusalem were at a fragile state after the fall of the first kingdom. Whoever did not die or fall into Muslim captivity in 1187 found refuge in Tyre. In many respects, they were in the same boat as every other Christian inhabitant of the Latin East but in comparison to the other Italian communities the Genoese were in an inferior position. The Genoese community was the only major Italian community, which did not have a base in Tyre before 1187, let alone a quarter with full commercial and accommodation facilities, as the Venetians and Pisans had had. Therefore, with the fall of the first kingdom of Jerusalem the Genoese lost everything, mobile and immobile properties, rights and all sources of income. What happened to the Genoese who escaped to Tyre? Did the community manage to sustain its integrity despite the lack of communal facilities? One of the interesting facts about the Genoese community in the Latin East was its fast recovery after 1187. Within a few years they gained concessions, including rights and property, sources of income in the form of bath-houses, gardens, mills and ovens as well as designated territory for the establishment of their own quarter in an advantageous location by the harbour of 322 Marie-Luise Favreau-Lilie, Die Italiener im Heiligen Land, p. 498. 323 Balard, Michel, `Les republiques maritimes Italiennes', p. 333. 149
Tyre. Who was responsible to these accomplishments? Who governed the community in these times of crisis? How did it reflect on the relationships between Genoa and its settlers, inhabitants of the kingdom of Jerusalem? The period between 1187 and 1195 was probably the most significant time in the history of the Genoese in the Latin East. Genoa's representatives in the Latin East were granted ten charters during this short period, which enabled the reestablishment and the fast recovery of the commune. A close examination of these charters and the people involved in the political and diplomatic events is therefore important. The following table lists the charters, the names of the lords who bestowed them, and the names of the Genoese recipients who represented the commune. Table 4: Charters granted to the Genoese between 1187 and 1195 Year 1187 * 1189 1190 1191 1192 1195 Date N/A April 11/04 14/04 04/05 26/10 April After May September Granted by. Granted in: Barons of Archbishop Bohemond Conrad of King the Joscius III of Montferrat Guy kingdom T re Conrad of Henry of Henry of King gy Guy Montferrat Champagne Champagne Tyre Tyre Tyre Tyre Acre Jaffa Tyre Acre Acre Guglielmo Recipients P ta ( (Piper iper? ) not specified Guido Spinola [Rodoani Marino flio Guglielmo tealoa , de Nicola Cartofigo Admiral Ricio and Ugo Gafforio Lercario * The barons of the kingdom granted the Genoese two charters of which only one remains. A summary of the missing charter from the late thirteenth century appears in the margins of the barons' charter that was published. See CDG, vol. 2, no. 170, p. 319, note b. An analysis of table 4 allows a better understanding of the process of recovery of the Genoese commune and the ways it gained its new status in the kingdom of Jerusalem. Several questions will be addressed in the analysis: who was appointed to manage the Genoese community and by whom? How powerful were the representatives of the commune? The charters from 1187 were given to the Genoese during the war, when Saladin's forces were still advancing, threatening to overtake what remained of the crusader states. The first charter was granted by the `barones regni lerosolimitani, ' which explains why it is commonly known as the barons' charter. 524 The list of people in charge of the kingdom during the crisis as it appears in this charter included religious authorities headed by Archbishop Joscius of Tyre and the barons themselves including the lords of Caesarea, Tripoli, Jaffa, Sidon and representatives of the military orders. The charter was granted at an unknown date amid the crisis, obviously before Joscius set off to recruit crusaders in Europe and before Conrad of Montferrat became the lord of 524 1 Libri Iurium, vol. 1/2, no. 330 150
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Wahrheit nicht niedergelassen h<strong>at</strong>ten. 522 Favreau-Lilie thus highlighted <strong>the</strong> problem<strong>at</strong>ic<br />
conclusion in Prawer's work. She also demonstr<strong>at</strong>ed how many of <strong>the</strong> people counted by Prawer<br />
as permanent inhabitants of <strong>the</strong> <strong>L<strong>at</strong>in</strong> <strong>East</strong> were in fact merchants or crusaders, Venetians who<br />
passed by <strong>the</strong> crusader st<strong>at</strong>e but never settled <strong>the</strong>re. In contrast to Prawer's <strong>the</strong>ory, Favreau-Lilie<br />
<strong>the</strong>refore suggested a different approach of research, in which <strong>the</strong> survey of names would include<br />
only people who are explicitly known to have lived in <strong>the</strong> <strong>L<strong>at</strong>in</strong> <strong>East</strong>, preferably those who are<br />
known to have had family <strong>the</strong>re or who were mentioned in <strong>the</strong> text with a new surname th<strong>at</strong><br />
indic<strong>at</strong>es th<strong>at</strong> <strong>the</strong>y were indeed inhabitants of <strong>the</strong> <strong>L<strong>at</strong>in</strong> <strong>East</strong>.<br />
Favreau-Lilie's methodology <strong>and</strong> her suggestion to exclude <strong>the</strong> names of people who are not<br />
explicitly described in <strong>the</strong> contemporary sources as inhabitants of one of <strong>the</strong> Italian quarters is<br />
problem<strong>at</strong>ic. It is especially so because <strong>the</strong> inform<strong>at</strong>ion given in <strong>the</strong> documents about individual<br />
merchants or settlers is often limited to people's names. As a result of this approach, Favreau-<br />
Lilie was left with not enough d<strong>at</strong>a to offer an altern<strong>at</strong>ive conclusion about <strong>the</strong> n<strong>at</strong>ure of <strong>the</strong><br />
Venetian society in <strong>the</strong> <strong>L<strong>at</strong>in</strong> <strong>East</strong>. This is probably why scholars such as Michel Balard accepted<br />
Prawer's <strong>the</strong>ory th<strong>at</strong> <strong>the</strong> Venetian aristocracy, in particular <strong>the</strong> families listed by Prawer, had<br />
strong rel<strong>at</strong>ions with <strong>the</strong> <strong>L<strong>at</strong>in</strong> <strong>East</strong> 523<br />
<strong>The</strong> reestablishment of <strong>the</strong> <strong>Genoese</strong> commune <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> found<strong>at</strong>ion of <strong>the</strong> Syrian<br />
consul<strong>at</strong>e, 1187 -1195<br />
<strong>The</strong> <strong>Genoese</strong> inhabitants of <strong>the</strong> kingdom of Jerusalem were <strong>at</strong> a fragile st<strong>at</strong>e after <strong>the</strong> fall of <strong>the</strong><br />
first kingdom. Whoever did not die or fall into Muslim captivity in 1187 found refuge in Tyre. In<br />
many respects, <strong>the</strong>y were in <strong>the</strong> same bo<strong>at</strong> as every o<strong>the</strong>r Christian inhabitant of <strong>the</strong> <strong>L<strong>at</strong>in</strong> <strong>East</strong><br />
but in comparison to <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r Italian communities <strong>the</strong> <strong>Genoese</strong> were in an inferior position. <strong>The</strong><br />
<strong>Genoese</strong> community was <strong>the</strong> only major Italian community, which did not have a base in Tyre<br />
before 1187, let alone a quarter with full commercial <strong>and</strong> accommod<strong>at</strong>ion facilities, as <strong>the</strong><br />
Venetians <strong>and</strong> Pisans had had. <strong>The</strong>refore, with <strong>the</strong> fall of <strong>the</strong> first kingdom of Jerusalem <strong>the</strong><br />
<strong>Genoese</strong> lost everything, mobile <strong>and</strong> immobile properties, rights <strong>and</strong> all sources of income. Wh<strong>at</strong><br />
happened to <strong>the</strong> <strong>Genoese</strong> who escaped to Tyre? Did <strong>the</strong> community manage to sustain its<br />
integrity despite <strong>the</strong> lack of communal facilities?<br />
One of <strong>the</strong> interesting facts about <strong>the</strong> <strong>Genoese</strong> community in <strong>the</strong> <strong>L<strong>at</strong>in</strong> <strong>East</strong> was its fast<br />
recovery after 1187. Within a few years <strong>the</strong>y gained concessions, including rights <strong>and</strong> property,<br />
sources of income in <strong>the</strong> form of b<strong>at</strong>h-houses, gardens, mills <strong>and</strong> ovens as well as design<strong>at</strong>ed<br />
territory for <strong>the</strong> establishment of <strong>the</strong>ir own quarter in an advantageous<br />
loc<strong>at</strong>ion by <strong>the</strong> harbour of<br />
322 Marie-Luise Favreau-Lilie, Die Italiener im Heiligen L<strong>and</strong>, p. 498.<br />
323 Balard, Michel, `Les republiques maritimes Italiennes', p. 333.<br />
149