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elationship between Genoa and Byblos will be discussed in Chapter Four. These are also important to the understanding of the significance of the diplomatic agreement with Aleppo. The vocabulary employed by the notaries is sometimes difficult to comprehend. For example, the terminology used in a contract between a ship builder and the owners of that ship may contain many medieval terms that usual dictionaries do not contain. Several linguistic tools are helpful in such cases, Nilo Calvini's Nuovo glossario medievale Ligure, despite being incomplete, is useful. On nautical terms, Augustin Jai, Nouveau glossaire nautique. Although dated, Pietro Rocca, Pesi e misure antiche di Genova e del Genovesato, is a valuable guide for Genoese units of measure. An Italian - Genoese dictionary is sometimes helpful too. A general introduction to the contracts' style and the formulae employed may be found in Robert Lopez's and Irving Raymond's Medieval Trade in the Mediterranean World. Finally, in Eugene Byrne's book, Genoese Shipping in the Twelfth and Thirteenth Centuries, there is a collection of documents with some more explanations about notaries' writing styles. The references to the unpublished documents in this dissertation follow a common formula. First is the name of notary to whom the cartulary is attributed, followed by the cartulary number as it is catalogued in the state archive in Genoa, then the page number. Because the notaries used both sides of each page the letters R and V are used to differentiate between them. Finally, the number at the end was added here to signify the contract number on the page (usually up to six contracts per page). Methodology `Because the contracts will not sustain any meaningful statistical analysis, we must go beyond the numbers and look for some deeper patterns and meanings. ' Steven Epstein wrote in his book on medieval Genoa. ' For several reasons, the analysis of the notarial documents is a challenge. The gaps of information make the use of statistical analysis problematic. There is also a problem with other methods of analysis. For example, almost every book on Genoa's commercial activities in the Mediterranean contains long lists of merchants' first travelling destinations and the total amount of money taken for investments but no mention of subsequent destinations of equal importance. Such tables were used to evaluate the commercial importance of each market. Copying from the studies of Erik Bach and David Abulafia, Geo Pistarino and Steven Epstein have recently republished a table of first place of destination to which Genoese merchants carried 6 Robert S. Lopez and Irving W. Raymond, Medieval Trade in the Mediterranean World. Illustrative Documents Translated with Introduction and Notes (London, 1955); Eugene H. Byrne, Genoese Shipping in the Twelfth and Thirteenth Centuries (Cambridge Mass., 1930) Steven A. Epstein, Genoa and the Genoese, 958-1528 (Chapel Hill, 1996), p. 61. 13
money or merchandise! These tables are based on the cartulary of Giovanni Scriba (1155-64). 9 Recently, Sandra Origone followed the same methodology in her analysis of Genoese commerce at the beginning of the thirteenth century (1200-3; 1205-16; 1222-7). 10 In the same volume, Laura Balletto produced a similar table for the commercial activities in the years 1257-8.11 During the research for the current dissertation there was an attempt to follow a similar methodology concerning ventures in the year 1191. The exercise, however, proved this methodology insufficient. In that year, 53 contracts were made to Sicily as a first destination. A few other contracts directed the travellers to Naples or Sardinia before they went to Sicily. However, in the spring of 1191 most of the shipowners and travellers did not end their journeys in Sicily, they only stopped there to meet up with the crusaders. Many were on the way to the Latin East. It would have been a mistake to employ the traditional analysis in this case. In order to estimate which ship headed only to Sicily and which was to return to Genoa it is possible to use the type of vessel as an indication, because only large ships sailed over long distance. Another factor that might be misleading is the number of contracts made for each destination. For various reasons, different merchants would handle their business in different manners, some merchants tended to make separate contracts with each investor, while other merchants registered their agreement with many partners in one contract. Therefore, it is more accurate to count the number of travellers who made contracts to each destination rather than the total number of contracts. These are only few examples of how complicated utilising the notarial cartularies as a historical source might be. The data these documents contain might seem meaningless until a certain arrangement of the documents reveals patterns or the break of patterns. There is so vast an array of information, however, that it is overwhelming too: names, destinations, merchandise, currencies and many more details. In order to go beyond the statistical analysis the documents must be rearranged and put together in a new order that corresponds to the topic under discussion. It is difficult to process this information using traditional methods of historical analysis. But aided by computing software it is possible to map the data and display the relevant material in a sensible manner. The documents were summarised on a large table (Excel spreadsheet) which includes 32 columns 8 Ibid, pp. 58-59; Geo Pistarino, 'Commercio e comunicazioni tra Genova ed it Regno normanno-svevo all'epoca dei due Guglielmi' in Potere, societä epopolo nell'etä dei due Guglielmi (Bari , 1981), p. 245 (1 would like to thank Prof. Laura Balletto for a copy of this article); David Abulafia, The Two Italies: Economic Relations between the Norman Kingdom of Sicily and the Northern Communes (Cambridge, 1977) pp. 99,111,113,119; Erik Bach, La Cite de Genes au Me siecle (Kobenhavn, 1955), p. 51. 9 M. Chiaudano and M. Moresco (eds. ), 11 cartulare di Giovanni Scriba, 2 vols. (Rome-Turin, 1935). 10 Sandra Origone, `Genova, Costantinopoli e it regno di Gerusalemme (prima meta sec. XIII)', in Gabriella Airaldi and Benjamin Z. Kedar, eds., I comuni italiani ne! regno crociato di Gerusalemme (Genoa, 1986), pi 310. it Laura Balletto, `Fonti notarili genovesi del secondo Duecento per la storia del Regno Latino di Gerusalemme', Gabriella Airaldi and Benjamin Z. Kedar, eds., I comuni italiani ne! regno crociato di Gerusalemme (Genoa, 1986), pp. 185-7. 14
Page 1 and 2: PtiD . ascýo The Merchant of Genoa
Page 3 and 4: I 2 3 4 5 Contents: Abbreviations L
Page 5 and 6: Abbreviations Ann. Ian. Caffaro, An
Page 7 and 8: Tables Table 1: Genoese ships and t
Page 9 and 10: Introduction: The merchant of Genoa
Page 11 and 12: Benjamin Kedar, Marie-Luise Favreau
Page 13: notary Lanfranco from the first eig
Page 17 and 18: they used was dated and therefore m
Page 19 and 20: Genoa and the Third Crusade This ch
Page 21 and 22: example, that shipowners and sailor
Page 23 and 24: annals from that period, written by
Page 25 and 26: The first wave of Genoese crusaders
Page 27 and 28: East, especially under Conrad of Mo
Page 29 and 30: crusade. Two of them, Maurino and S
Page 31 and 32: Provisions (vianda) for each person
Page 33 and 34: the travelling contracts of the tim
Page 35 and 36: following year supply some leads to
Page 37 and 38: For example, the years 1190 to 1192
Page 39 and 40: they were promised part of the paym
Page 41 and 42: wine exported to Bougie and sold fo
Page 43 and 44: allowed to carry this money with hi
Page 45 and 46: transition marked by the Third Crus
Page 47 and 48: Fourth Crusade, there was an increa
Page 49 and 50: 2 The impact of a crusade: the reac
Page 51 and 52: enewal and extension of Barbarossa'
Page 53 and 54: Oberto Malocello, and Heredes de Ma
Page 55 and 56: would sail in custodiam navium and
Page 57 and 58: The preparations for the Fourth Cru
Page 59 and 60: perhaps he was more accurate than u
Page 61 and 62: All the records that contain such r
Page 63 and 64: esult of various reasons including
Page 65 and 66:
econfirmed. ' 87 The plan was there
Page 67 and 68:
Not all merchants detailed their pl
Page 69 and 70:
Figure 4: Map of the main trade and
Page 71 and 72:
is correct and the significance of
Page 73 and 74:
This paragraph is a conspicuous pre
Page 75 and 76:
east at the same time as Giovanni t
Page 77 and 78:
Abulafia wrote about Crete that `st
Page 79 and 80:
Henry's fleet harbour in Tripoli? I
Page 81 and 82:
Malta in Tripoli in great detail wi
Page 83 and 84:
3 An unprovoked crusade? This chapt
Page 85 and 86:
success, especially with the women
Page 87 and 88:
Although Friedman did not explicitl
Page 89 and 90:
war business could have been for th
Page 91 and 92:
Or vos dirai que les Sarazins d'Ali
Page 93 and 94:
Pope Innocent III and the maritime
Page 95 and 96:
with Venice. 309 This eventually en
Page 97 and 98:
peace truces after Hattin, and espe
Page 99 and 100:
eceived concessions in Tripoli and
Page 101 and 102:
commerce in Bougie as well as Alexa
Page 103 and 104:
such specification was necessary. I
Page 105 and 106:
James's letters written to the pope
Page 107 and 108:
most of the ships that sailed in 12
Page 109 and 110:
The sum bequeathed was not related
Page 111 and 112:
4 Embriaco or do Biblio, what's In
Page 113 and 114:
town may contribute to the understa
Page 115 and 116:
Les Genois transformerent vite ou l
Page 117 and 118:
ecause another branch of the family
Page 119 and 120:
high fee. For Antioch, Genoa reques
Page 121 and 122:
Unfortunately, Gibelet was not incl
Page 123 and 124:
comparative map presented by Elieze
Page 125 and 126:
`perhaps most notable for its hands
Page 127 and 128:
[my 444 emphasis] At first glance,
Page 129 and 130:
One practical implication of this c
Page 131 and 132:
There was some similarity between t
Page 133 and 134:
of James of Vitry there is a simila
Page 135 and 136:
On the following day, 12 March 1186
Page 137 and 138:
of Genoa turned their attention mor
Page 139 and 140:
epresentatives of the church of St
Page 141 and 142:
church of St Lawrence were on the l
Page 143 and 144:
Figure 11: Acre - the census per ho
Page 145 and 146:
5 The Genoese communities in the ki
Page 147 and 148:
settlers acted as representatives o
Page 149 and 150:
suffered as a result of the Venetia
Page 151 and 152:
Tyre. Who was responsible to these
Page 153 and 154:
leased for twenty eight years in th
Page 155 and 156:
interests, and their intense enmity
Page 157 and 158:
Genoese sources. Perhaps some of th
Page 159 and 160:
Genoese. The Third and Fourth Crusa
Page 161 and 162:
her family could have been part of
Page 163 and 164:
Bonvicino, who were indeed new sett
Page 165 and 166:
was brought up in the parliament. I
Page 167 and 168:
Genoese names in the charters of Ar
Page 169 and 170:
Tyre. Perhaps this means that despi
Page 171 and 172:
Conclusions The main contribution o
Page 173 and 174:
towards the Latin East. The signifi
Page 175 and 176:
Appendix 2: The exchange rate betwe
Page 177 and 178:
c 'ýg C o° 1° cL 0 2 c u) . "c
Page 179 and 180:
Appendix 4: Bequest for the crusade
Page 181 and 182:
Edbury, Peter (ed. and trans. ), Th
Page 183 and 184:
Tangl, Georgine, Studien zum Regist
Page 185 and 186:
Bartholomaeis, Vincenzo de (ed. ),
Page 187 and 188:
Friedman, Yvonne, Encounter between
Page 189 and 190:
Olivieri, Agostino, `Indice per ord
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