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Nicola's son Guglielmo Embriaco made his way to the Latin East in 1192, probably after his father's death there, where he planned to stay for a couple of years 486 How did this long-term sojourn affect the relationship between Genoa and Byblos and between the Embriaci and the de Biblio? The Genoese contingents were praised for their contribution to the siege of Acre, but there was apparently no attempt to recover Byblos. According to the Continuation of William of Tyre the opportunity to regain the sea-port town occurred only after Saladin died. Ernoul's account of the recovery of Byblos paid high tribute to the role of the lady of Byblos Stephanie. In 1197, ten years after the surrender of Byblos Stephanie managed to regain possession of the city through diplomatic channels. En cel point que Salehadins fig mors, avoit une haute dame ä Triple qui dame avoit este de Gibelet. Si porcaca tant [et fist] as Sarrasins a qui Salehadins 1'avoit commande a garden, quant it of pris le cite de Gibelet sour Crestiiens, k71 sen issirent a une ajornee, et li dame i entra et si chevalier et si home, et si Qarni le castiel et le cite. Ensi faitement rendi Damediex le cite [de Gibelet] as Crestiiens 487 Stephanie, the wife of Hugh III, whom Runciman described as a `Dowager Lady'488 thus allegedly managed to recover the sea-port town from after 10 years of Muslim occupation, although Jonathan Riley Smith also suggested that the recovering of this territory, including Beirut and Sidon, had more to do with the arrival of the German crusade on 1197.89 In any case, the significant length of time that passed until Gibelet was given back to its lords must have contributed to the fact that Genoa did not claim its taxes when the town was finally recovered. Another reason must have been the state of the town following the Muslim destruction. The repair of the walls and other urban structures that were demolished by Saladin must have cost the lords of Byblos much money. Interestingly, however, the economic strength of the de Biblio was not reduced as a result of the collapse of the first kingdom of Jerusalem in 1187. On the contrary, the construction of the impressive baptistery at the beginning of the thirteenth century shows the wealth of the family. Jonathan Riley Smith mentioned the lord of Gibelet who in 1228 lent Emperor Frederick 1130,000 bezants490 This is another indication of the wealth of the family. Commercial evidence from the beginning of the thirteenth century also suggests that Byblos benefited from the opening of the route to Aleppo and the growing volume of Genoese commerce that, as already discussed in Chapter Two, crossed through the Syrian coast from the time of the Fourth Crusade. Indeed, after the establishment of a new Genoese quarter in Tyre, the merchants 486 see Chapter One 487 Chronigue d'Ernoul, p. 305. See also RHC. Oc. vol. 2, pp. 217-218. 488 Steven Runciman, A History of the Crusades, vol. 3 (Cambridge, 1966), p. 92. 489 Jonathan Riley Smith, The Crusades, A Short History (London, 1986), p. 119 49° See Jonathan Riley Smith, The Feudal Nobility and the Kingdom of Jerusalem, 1174-1277 (London, 1973), p. 163. 135
of Genoa turned their attention more and more to the northern parts of the crusader states. Byblos, which stands at the centre of this commercial zone, between Tyre and Aleppo undoubtedly benefited from these developments. The Embriaci and Acre At the beginning of the thirteenth century, the Embriaco family regained `prominence in the home government' in Genoa. 491 This comment by Byrne is not entirely clear, because members of the family were at the centre of political life also beforehand, throughout the final quarter of the twelfth century. They made an important contribution during the time of the Third Crusade and three members of the family were consuls in the years 1185,1188,1189,1194,1195 and 1201. The outstanding fact about the Embriaci at the beginning of the thirteenth century is that through the cartulary of Guglielmo di Sori there is an opportunity to examine some of their activities over a period of almost three years, from January 1200 until September 1202. Dozens of contracts contain valuable information on the family. Among these documents there is an interesting case which concerns Acre. In September 1200, two members of the Embriaco family appointed a fellow Genoese, named Ottone Giudice di Castello, to travel to Acre and act on their behalf for two years. This interesting document was already studied by Eugene Byrne but only recently published by Sandra Origone 492 Ottone was put in charge of the ruga of St Lawrence in Acre and other possessions. Ègo Oto ludex de Castello iuro... quod tenebo rugam de Sancto Laurentio de Acri ad honorem Dei et communitatis civitatis lanue et in ordinamento tui Wilielmi Embriaci maioris et Wilielmi Embriaci iunioris' [my 493 emphasis]. From the income of these possessions including taxes and other revenues (omnes redditus quos recepero de ruga et de omnibus aliis locis) Ottone had to pay 150 bezants. This fee was charged per annum and it equals approximately £50 Genoese 494 What was the meaning of this appointment? Which property was included under Ottone's jurisdiction? Eugene Byrne interpreted the appointment of àn agent' for Acre in 1200 as a sign of a change in the Embriaco family's attitude towards the crusader states. He thought that this contract was an indication òf the efforts of the older families to regain supremacy in 491 Byrne, `The Genoese Colonies', p. 155. 492 Eugene Byrne, `The Genoese Colonies in Syria', pp. 156-159; the original document is in Guglielmo di Sori, MS 102, p. 160, V6 - p. 161, R1. The quotations are from the transcription made by Sandra Origone, `Genova, Costantinopoli e it regno di Gerusalemme (prima meta sec. XIII)', in Gabriella Airaldi and Benjamin Z. Kedar (eds. ) I comuni italiani nel regno crociato Afpendix 11/2, pp. 312-314. 49 Origone, ibid, p. 312. 494 £1 equals 3 bezants. See for example, contract from 12 September 1200, cart 4, p. 251, V4. See also note 282. Otto Iudex was a guarantor for the payment of a sea-loan of £100 borrowed by Opicio Villano de di Gerusalemme (Genoa, 1986), pp. 283-316. Castello on his way to the Latin East for which he promised to pay 320 bezants, which is more than the ratio above. OS, 1200, cart. 4, p. 257, R3. 136
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PtiD . ascýo The Merchant of Genoa
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I 2 3 4 5 Contents: Abbreviations L
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Abbreviations Ann. Ian. Caffaro, An
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Tables Table 1: Genoese ships and t
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Introduction: The merchant of Genoa
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Benjamin Kedar, Marie-Luise Favreau
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notary Lanfranco from the first eig
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money or merchandise! These tables
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they used was dated and therefore m
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Genoa and the Third Crusade This ch
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example, that shipowners and sailor
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annals from that period, written by
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The first wave of Genoese crusaders
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East, especially under Conrad of Mo
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crusade. Two of them, Maurino and S
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Provisions (vianda) for each person
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the travelling contracts of the tim
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following year supply some leads to
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For example, the years 1190 to 1192
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they were promised part of the paym
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wine exported to Bougie and sold fo
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allowed to carry this money with hi
Page 45 and 46:
transition marked by the Third Crus
Page 47 and 48:
Fourth Crusade, there was an increa
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2 The impact of a crusade: the reac
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enewal and extension of Barbarossa'
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Oberto Malocello, and Heredes de Ma
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would sail in custodiam navium and
Page 57 and 58:
The preparations for the Fourth Cru
Page 59 and 60:
perhaps he was more accurate than u
Page 61 and 62:
All the records that contain such r
Page 63 and 64:
esult of various reasons including
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econfirmed. ' 87 The plan was there
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Not all merchants detailed their pl
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Figure 4: Map of the main trade and
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is correct and the significance of
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This paragraph is a conspicuous pre
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east at the same time as Giovanni t
Page 77 and 78:
Abulafia wrote about Crete that `st
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Henry's fleet harbour in Tripoli? I
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Malta in Tripoli in great detail wi
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3 An unprovoked crusade? This chapt
Page 85 and 86: success, especially with the women
Page 87 and 88: Although Friedman did not explicitl
Page 89 and 90: war business could have been for th
Page 91 and 92: Or vos dirai que les Sarazins d'Ali
Page 93 and 94: Pope Innocent III and the maritime
Page 95 and 96: with Venice. 309 This eventually en
Page 97 and 98: peace truces after Hattin, and espe
Page 99 and 100: eceived concessions in Tripoli and
Page 101 and 102: commerce in Bougie as well as Alexa
Page 103 and 104: such specification was necessary. I
Page 105 and 106: James's letters written to the pope
Page 107 and 108: most of the ships that sailed in 12
Page 109 and 110: The sum bequeathed was not related
Page 111 and 112: 4 Embriaco or do Biblio, what's In
Page 113 and 114: town may contribute to the understa
Page 115 and 116: Les Genois transformerent vite ou l
Page 117 and 118: ecause another branch of the family
Page 119 and 120: high fee. For Antioch, Genoa reques
Page 121 and 122: Unfortunately, Gibelet was not incl
Page 123 and 124: comparative map presented by Elieze
Page 125 and 126: `perhaps most notable for its hands
Page 127 and 128: [my 444 emphasis] At first glance,
Page 129 and 130: One practical implication of this c
Page 131 and 132: There was some similarity between t
Page 133 and 134: of James of Vitry there is a simila
Page 135: On the following day, 12 March 1186
Page 139 and 140: epresentatives of the church of St
Page 141 and 142: church of St Lawrence were on the l
Page 143 and 144: Figure 11: Acre - the census per ho
Page 145 and 146: 5 The Genoese communities in the ki
Page 147 and 148: settlers acted as representatives o
Page 149 and 150: suffered as a result of the Venetia
Page 151 and 152: Tyre. Who was responsible to these
Page 153 and 154: leased for twenty eight years in th
Page 155 and 156: interests, and their intense enmity
Page 157 and 158: Genoese sources. Perhaps some of th
Page 159 and 160: Genoese. The Third and Fourth Crusa
Page 161 and 162: her family could have been part of
Page 163 and 164: Bonvicino, who were indeed new sett
Page 165 and 166: was brought up in the parliament. I
Page 167 and 168: Genoese names in the charters of Ar
Page 169 and 170: Tyre. Perhaps this means that despi
Page 171 and 172: Conclusions The main contribution o
Page 173 and 174: towards the Latin East. The signifi
Page 175 and 176: Appendix 2: The exchange rate betwe
Page 177 and 178: c 'ýg C o° 1° cL 0 2 c u) . "c
Page 179 and 180: Appendix 4: Bequest for the crusade
Page 181 and 182: Edbury, Peter (ed. and trans. ), Th
Page 183 and 184: Tangl, Georgine, Studien zum Regist
Page 185 and 186: Bartholomaeis, Vincenzo de (ed. ),
Page 187 and 188:
Friedman, Yvonne, Encounter between
Page 189 and 190:
Olivieri, Agostino, Ìndice per ord
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