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demanded by the commune. Alternatively, it is possible to speculate that the pressure on Hugh may have derived from family demands because Hugh's relative Nicola Embriaco attended the discussions on the Genoese side. There is no evidence that the name de Biblio was accepted in Genoa before 1203 465 However, in the Latin East, as was demonstrated above, the names of Byblos and the de Biblio were frequently used. Significantly, in the chronicle of William of Tyre the old name, Gibelet, is not mentioned at all 466 Other signs of the social achievements of the de Biblio derive from other contemporary sources. One of these aspects was the marriage stakes. According to the Continuation of William of Tyre, Hugh III married Stephanie, the daughter of Henry le Buffle de Milly, who was the widow of William Dorel, the lord of Botron 467 Guy I of Byblos, the son of Hugh and Stephanie married Alice of Antioch, the sister of Bohemond IV. Moreover, Bohemond IV, who was then the prince of Antioch as well as the count of Tripoli married Hugh III's sister Plaisance. By implication this series of marriages, two generations after Hugh II, gave the de Biblio family firm marriage ties with the house of Antioch-Tripoli468 Later, in the second part of the thirteenth century, the de Biblio climbed even further up the social ladder of the crusading nobility, when they married into the Ibelin, by now the royal dynasty of Jerusalem. 469 The social promotion of the de Biblio may be better appreciated in the light of a comment in the Continuation of William of Tyre, according to which Italians were treated by the French with contempt, because `most of them' are ùsurers, corsairs, merchants or seafarers': Car ciaus de France tienent ciaus d'Ytalie en despit... Car le plus de ciaus d'Ytalie sont usuriers ou corsans ou marchaanz ou mariniers, et porce qu'il sont chevaliers tienent it cil en despit. i470 This explanation is given in the context of the marriage of the daughter of Stephanie (from her first marriage to William Dorel) to a Pisan merchant. In the same paragraph the author mentioned Stephanie's second marriage to Hugh III de Biblio, however, with no reference to his Italian origins. Does this imply that the de Biblio were not considered Ìtalians' any more? Similar connotations towards Ìtalians' are found in other contemporary narratives as well. In the writing 465 The first Genoese charter in which they are named de Biblio was published by Reinhold Röhricht, Àmalrich I., König von Jerusalem (1162-1174)', Mitteilungen des Instituts für Österreichische Geschichtsforschung (Innsbruck, 1891), p. 489. 466 William of Tyre mentones Byblos several times. A short history of the conquest of the sea-port town and the grant to the Genoese is given in WT, 11,9. 467 Ruth M. Morgan (ed. ), La Continuation de Guillaume de Tyr (1184-1197), in Documents relatifs a l'histoire des Croisades, vol. 14 (Paris, 1982), ch. 33. RHC. Oc., vol. 2, p. 51, note b. 468 See Rey, `Les seigneurs de Gibelet', ROL 3(1895), p. 402; Delaville, vol. 1, pp. 648,674. 469 Interestingly, this marriage involved another change of surname. Henry married Isabelle of Ibelin, the daughter of Balian the lord of Beirut and their son Guy abandoned his father's name de Biblio for his mother's surname Ibelin. See Rey, `Les seigneurs de Gibelet', ROL 3 (1895), p. 404. These developments, however, are beyond the period discussed in this thesis. 470 Ruth Morgan (ed. ), La Continuation de Guillaume de Tyr, 33, p. 45 131
of James of Vitry there is a similar paragraph about the avarice of the Genoese, the Pisans and the Venetians and people from other parts of `Lombardy'. James's severe attitude towards the Italian merchants is reinforced by his famous accusation that they supplied war materials to the Saracens 47' In conclusion, the lords of Gibelet or Byblos had many reasons to change their name. It was suggested above that change of surname was typical of people of that generation in the Latin East. The lords of Byblos were also eager to break the financial and feudal obligations that linked them to Genoa. However, it is possible that, in addition to the reasons given above, there was also a stigma attached to the Embriaci regarding their place of origin which they were trying to eradicate when they paved their way into the aristocracy of the crusader states. It is ironic that Willibrand of Oldenbourg remarked in 1211 that the lord of Gibelet was French: ìn ea [civitate] dominator quidam Francigena, Guido nominee, 9472 or is this a sign of their social success? Genoa's claims of 1186 In 1179, Genoa brought up again its demands over Gibelet. The commune turned to Pope Alexander III for help on the grounds that Gibelet was originally granted to the cathedral church of St Lawrence and was, therefore, an ecclesiastical property. Pope Alexander III wrote politely to Hugh II whom he addressed as `nobili viro Hugoni, domino Gibeleti. 9473 The pope then mentioned that he had received complaints from the archbishop and canons of St Lawrence about the payment due to them. This letter was apparently ignored because in 1186, a year before Gibelet surrendered to Saladin, Genoa was still claiming its unpaid revenues. Pope Urban III wrote new letters. The claims were addressed to Hugh III, the heir of Hugh II and his successor as the lord of the city. Erik Bach interpreted the Genoese interest in the renewal of their privileges in the 1180s in the light of some diplomatic developments in the region. In his opinion it was not a coincidence that the Genoese demands came shortly before the fall of the kingdom: `les Genois paraissent avoir eu connaissance de ce que Saladin preparait une offensive de grande envergure contre I'Orient chretien, et ils ont done juge le moment venu d'exercer une pression par l'intermediaire du pape sur les maitres du pays pour faire respecter pleinement leurs privileges. ' 474 This argument does not hold water; moreover, it reminds one of the more recent scholarly accusations of a Genoese conspiracy during the same years to manipulate both the papacy and the rulers of the crusader states. 475 47 Jacques de Vitry, La Traduction de l'Historia Orientalis, ed. Claude Buridant (Paris, 1986), ch. 73, p. 119 472 Wilbrand of Oldenburg Peregrinatio, p. 168. 4731 Libri lurium, vol. 1/2, no. 315, p. 118. 474 Erik Bach, La Cite de genes au XI! siecle (Copenhagen, 1955), p. 150. 473 Hans Mayer and Marie-Luise Favreau-Lilie suggested that the Genoese claims were based on forged documents. Kedar challenged this argument and dismissed the idea of what he called à vast Genoese plot'. 132
Page 1 and 2:
PtiD . ascýo The Merchant of Genoa
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I 2 3 4 5 Contents: Abbreviations L
Page 5 and 6:
Abbreviations Ann. Ian. Caffaro, An
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Tables Table 1: Genoese ships and t
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Introduction: The merchant of Genoa
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Benjamin Kedar, Marie-Luise Favreau
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notary Lanfranco from the first eig
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money or merchandise! These tables
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they used was dated and therefore m
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Genoa and the Third Crusade This ch
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example, that shipowners and sailor
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annals from that period, written by
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The first wave of Genoese crusaders
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East, especially under Conrad of Mo
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crusade. Two of them, Maurino and S
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Provisions (vianda) for each person
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the travelling contracts of the tim
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following year supply some leads to
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For example, the years 1190 to 1192
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they were promised part of the paym
Page 41 and 42:
wine exported to Bougie and sold fo
Page 43 and 44:
allowed to carry this money with hi
Page 45 and 46:
transition marked by the Third Crus
Page 47 and 48:
Fourth Crusade, there was an increa
Page 49 and 50:
2 The impact of a crusade: the reac
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enewal and extension of Barbarossa'
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Oberto Malocello, and Heredes de Ma
Page 55 and 56:
would sail in custodiam navium and
Page 57 and 58:
The preparations for the Fourth Cru
Page 59 and 60:
perhaps he was more accurate than u
Page 61 and 62:
All the records that contain such r
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esult of various reasons including
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econfirmed. ' 87 The plan was there
Page 67 and 68:
Not all merchants detailed their pl
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Figure 4: Map of the main trade and
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is correct and the significance of
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This paragraph is a conspicuous pre
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east at the same time as Giovanni t
Page 77 and 78:
Abulafia wrote about Crete that `st
Page 79 and 80:
Henry's fleet harbour in Tripoli? I
Page 81 and 82: Malta in Tripoli in great detail wi
Page 83 and 84: 3 An unprovoked crusade? This chapt
Page 85 and 86: success, especially with the women
Page 87 and 88: Although Friedman did not explicitl
Page 89 and 90: war business could have been for th
Page 91 and 92: Or vos dirai que les Sarazins d'Ali
Page 93 and 94: Pope Innocent III and the maritime
Page 95 and 96: with Venice. 309 This eventually en
Page 97 and 98: peace truces after Hattin, and espe
Page 99 and 100: eceived concessions in Tripoli and
Page 101 and 102: commerce in Bougie as well as Alexa
Page 103 and 104: such specification was necessary. I
Page 105 and 106: James's letters written to the pope
Page 107 and 108: most of the ships that sailed in 12
Page 109 and 110: The sum bequeathed was not related
Page 111 and 112: 4 Embriaco or do Biblio, what's In
Page 113 and 114: town may contribute to the understa
Page 115 and 116: Les Genois transformerent vite ou l
Page 117 and 118: ecause another branch of the family
Page 119 and 120: high fee. For Antioch, Genoa reques
Page 121 and 122: Unfortunately, Gibelet was not incl
Page 123 and 124: comparative map presented by Elieze
Page 125 and 126: `perhaps most notable for its hands
Page 127 and 128: [my 444 emphasis] At first glance,
Page 129 and 130: One practical implication of this c
Page 131: There was some similarity between t
Page 135 and 136: On the following day, 12 March 1186
Page 137 and 138: of Genoa turned their attention mor
Page 139 and 140: epresentatives of the church of St
Page 141 and 142: church of St Lawrence were on the l
Page 143 and 144: Figure 11: Acre - the census per ho
Page 145 and 146: 5 The Genoese communities in the ki
Page 147 and 148: settlers acted as representatives o
Page 149 and 150: suffered as a result of the Venetia
Page 151 and 152: Tyre. Who was responsible to these
Page 153 and 154: leased for twenty eight years in th
Page 155 and 156: interests, and their intense enmity
Page 157 and 158: Genoese sources. Perhaps some of th
Page 159 and 160: Genoese. The Third and Fourth Crusa
Page 161 and 162: her family could have been part of
Page 163 and 164: Bonvicino, who were indeed new sett
Page 165 and 166: was brought up in the parliament. I
Page 167 and 168: Genoese names in the charters of Ar
Page 169 and 170: Tyre. Perhaps this means that despi
Page 171 and 172: Conclusions The main contribution o
Page 173 and 174: towards the Latin East. The signifi
Page 175 and 176: Appendix 2: The exchange rate betwe
Page 177 and 178: c 'ýg C o° 1° cL 0 2 c u) . "c
Page 179 and 180: Appendix 4: Bequest for the crusade
Page 181 and 182: Edbury, Peter (ed. and trans. ), Th
Page 183 and 184:
Tangl, Georgine, Studien zum Regist
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Bartholomaeis, Vincenzo de (ed. ),
Page 187 and 188:
Friedman, Yvonne, Encounter between
Page 189 and 190:
Olivieri, Agostino, Ìndice per ord
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