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paying an annual fee to Genoa and recognising the city's sovereignty in Gibelet. Unfortunately, members of the family are not mentioned again in the documents of the Order of St John until 1174. In the records from 1174, however, Hugh II and his brother Raimundo were referred to as Hugonis de Biblio et Raimundifratris eius. 455 From 1177 onwards, Hugh II frequently appeared in the documents with the title dominus Biblii ash This change in the town's name and consequently the surname of its inhabitants must not be dismissed as an insignificant semantic change. Indeed, alteration of surnames in the crusader states had played an important part in the establishment process of the Latin society. Robert Lopez demonstrated that the process of change in surnames was very common in Genoa as well, it was `far from complete even at the end of the thirteenth century. '457 Moreover, in an era in which surnames were often derived from place names, the change was almost inevitable. Second and third generations of settlers in the Latin East had, therefore, often adopted new names. Peter Edbury described the case of Hugh of Ibelin, who was the first person in his family to adopt the famous surname of Ibelin: in 1152, Hugh forced his stepfather Manasses into exile, `thereafter the fortunes of the Ibelins blossomed. Hugh evidently held Ibelin itself, and indeed he was the first member of the family known to have taken his name from it. '458 Another change occurred in the name of Hugh's brother. Èvidently as a result of a shift in the fashions of pronunciation during the third quarter of the twelfth century, Barisan the younger came to be known more commonly as Balian. i459 The comparison between the de Biblio and the Ibelin families deserves more attention because similar process occurred in both cases at approximately the same period. The origin of the Ibelin family is disputed. Peter Edbury referred to the òbscure origins' of the Ibelins and suggested that they originated in the coast of Tuscany or Italian Liguria 460 Jonathan Riley- Smith, however, recently argued against this theory. The Ibelins, according to Riley-Smith, descended from French aristocracy and were related to the viscount of Chartres; Barisan himself a descendant of the noble families of Le Puiset and Montlhery46' ass Delaville, vol. 1., no. 467, p. 320 ash Delaville, vol. 1, nos. 458,495,520,589,596,676 etc. 457 Robert Lopez, `Concerning Surnames and Places of Origin', Medievalia et humanistica 8 (1954), p. 9. On the change of personal names in the crusader states see, Iris Shagrir, Personal Names in the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem: A New Source for the Study of the Frankish Society, unpublished PhD thesis (The Hebrew University of Jerusalem, 2002). On the change of surnames in this period as well see Monique Bourin, `Les formes anthroponymiques et leur evolution d'apr8s les donnees du cartulaire du chapitre cathedral d'Agde (Xe si8cle-1250)', Genese medievale de l'anthroponymie moderne. Etudes d'anthroponymie medidvale, le et lie Rencontres, Azay-le-Ferron (Tours, 1990), pp. 179-205. 458 Peter E. Edbury, John of Ibelin and the Kingdom ofJerusalem (Woodbridge, 1997), p. 6. 459Ibid, p. 5. 460 Ibid, p. 4, note 7. 461 Jonathan Riley-Smith, `King Fulk of Jerusalem and `the Sultan of Babylon', in Benjamin Z. Kedar, Jonathan Riley-Smith and Rudolf Hiestand (eds. ), Mon joie, (Aldershot, 1997) pp. 60-61. 129
There was some similarity between the Ibelin family and the de Biblio in the context of the Latin East. Mas Latrie already remarked about this; He wrote that `les families de Giblet et d'Ibelin, presque egales en noblesse et en richesse, s'etaient liees par de nombreux mariages. '462 This impression is a result of a comparison between the families at a later period, probably in the second half of the thirteenth century when the families were established in Cyprus. This speculation, however, may be seen as part of Mas Latrie's attempt to identify the author of the Continuation of William of Tyre commonly known as Ernoul as a descendant of the de Biblio. More recently, Ruth Morgan suggested this identification again, but this idea was criticized by Peter Edbury. 463 It may be added that had the chronicler Ernoul descended from the de Biblio, one would have expected a more detailed account of the history of the de Biblio in this chronicle. Sadly, this is not the case. It would be a mistake to assume that people such as Hugh of Ibelin, Balian of Nablus and Hugh II de Biblio acted independently of each other and that it was a coincidence that they followed similar patterns of behaviour when they were trying to promote their position in local society. These people had innovative nature part of the spirit of a generation of settlers in the Latin East. The quest for a name or new titles had sometimes proved to be rather complicated. Edbury mentioned that Balian of Ibelin `had made an excellent marriage' when he married Maria Komnena and gained possession of Nablus for as long as Maria lived. Balian was not supposed to, but he nonetheless `took to describing himself as lord of Nablus, but it was a title he was studiously denied in documents emanating from the royal chancery. '464 In the case of the de Biblio, the alteration of their surname signifies some major changes including the break between the de Biblio and their noble clan, the Embriaci in Genoa. The 1168 charter reveals that the name Byblos was not easily accepted in Genoa, Hugh II is referred to as Hugo Ebriacus, Dei gratia, Gibelleti dominus. This title means that on the one hand he was recognised as the unequivocal lord of Gibellet. On the other hand, the document refers to him by his Genoese surname and the new name of Byblos is not mentioned at all. Interestingly, the Genoese notary who copied the original charter had also described Hugh's seal at the bottom of the document. It reads, sigillum Guilielmi Ebriaci, which means that Hugh used his late father's seal. It is hard to imagine that approximately five years after Hugh succeed his father as the lord of Gibelet, Hugh did not yet have a seal of his own. The reason might be that during the negotiations with Genoa in 1168 Hugh of Byblos had deliberately reverted to his noble Genoese surname, maybe because it was 462 Ernoul. Chronique d'Ernoul et de Bernard le Trdsorier, ed. Louis de Mas Latrie , (Paris, 1871), p. 502. 463 Ruth M. Morgan (ed. ) La Continuation de Guillaume de Tyr (1184-1197) in Documents relatifs ä 1'histoire des Croisades, vol. 14 (Paris, 1982), pp. 44-5. Peter Edbury, The Conquest ofJerusalem and the Third Crusade, Sources in Translation (Aldershot, 1996), p. 5, n. 8. 464 Peter Edbury, John of 1belin and the Kingdom ofJerusalem, p. 10. 130
Page 1 and 2:
PtiD . ascýo The Merchant of Genoa
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I 2 3 4 5 Contents: Abbreviations L
Page 5 and 6:
Abbreviations Ann. Ian. Caffaro, An
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Tables Table 1: Genoese ships and t
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Introduction: The merchant of Genoa
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Benjamin Kedar, Marie-Luise Favreau
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notary Lanfranco from the first eig
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money or merchandise! These tables
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they used was dated and therefore m
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Genoa and the Third Crusade This ch
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example, that shipowners and sailor
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annals from that period, written by
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The first wave of Genoese crusaders
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East, especially under Conrad of Mo
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crusade. Two of them, Maurino and S
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Provisions (vianda) for each person
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the travelling contracts of the tim
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following year supply some leads to
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For example, the years 1190 to 1192
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they were promised part of the paym
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wine exported to Bougie and sold fo
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allowed to carry this money with hi
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transition marked by the Third Crus
Page 47 and 48:
Fourth Crusade, there was an increa
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2 The impact of a crusade: the reac
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enewal and extension of Barbarossa'
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Oberto Malocello, and Heredes de Ma
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would sail in custodiam navium and
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The preparations for the Fourth Cru
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perhaps he was more accurate than u
Page 61 and 62:
All the records that contain such r
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esult of various reasons including
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econfirmed. ' 87 The plan was there
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Not all merchants detailed their pl
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Figure 4: Map of the main trade and
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is correct and the significance of
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This paragraph is a conspicuous pre
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east at the same time as Giovanni t
Page 77 and 78:
Abulafia wrote about Crete that `st
Page 79 and 80: Henry's fleet harbour in Tripoli? I
Page 81 and 82: Malta in Tripoli in great detail wi
Page 83 and 84: 3 An unprovoked crusade? This chapt
Page 85 and 86: success, especially with the women
Page 87 and 88: Although Friedman did not explicitl
Page 89 and 90: war business could have been for th
Page 91 and 92: Or vos dirai que les Sarazins d'Ali
Page 93 and 94: Pope Innocent III and the maritime
Page 95 and 96: with Venice. 309 This eventually en
Page 97 and 98: peace truces after Hattin, and espe
Page 99 and 100: eceived concessions in Tripoli and
Page 101 and 102: commerce in Bougie as well as Alexa
Page 103 and 104: such specification was necessary. I
Page 105 and 106: James's letters written to the pope
Page 107 and 108: most of the ships that sailed in 12
Page 109 and 110: The sum bequeathed was not related
Page 111 and 112: 4 Embriaco or do Biblio, what's In
Page 113 and 114: town may contribute to the understa
Page 115 and 116: Les Genois transformerent vite ou l
Page 117 and 118: ecause another branch of the family
Page 119 and 120: high fee. For Antioch, Genoa reques
Page 121 and 122: Unfortunately, Gibelet was not incl
Page 123 and 124: comparative map presented by Elieze
Page 125 and 126: `perhaps most notable for its hands
Page 127 and 128: [my 444 emphasis] At first glance,
Page 129: One practical implication of this c
Page 133 and 134: of James of Vitry there is a simila
Page 135 and 136: On the following day, 12 March 1186
Page 137 and 138: of Genoa turned their attention mor
Page 139 and 140: epresentatives of the church of St
Page 141 and 142: church of St Lawrence were on the l
Page 143 and 144: Figure 11: Acre - the census per ho
Page 145 and 146: 5 The Genoese communities in the ki
Page 147 and 148: settlers acted as representatives o
Page 149 and 150: suffered as a result of the Venetia
Page 151 and 152: Tyre. Who was responsible to these
Page 153 and 154: leased for twenty eight years in th
Page 155 and 156: interests, and their intense enmity
Page 157 and 158: Genoese sources. Perhaps some of th
Page 159 and 160: Genoese. The Third and Fourth Crusa
Page 161 and 162: her family could have been part of
Page 163 and 164: Bonvicino, who were indeed new sett
Page 165 and 166: was brought up in the parliament. I
Page 167 and 168: Genoese names in the charters of Ar
Page 169 and 170: Tyre. Perhaps this means that despi
Page 171 and 172: Conclusions The main contribution o
Page 173 and 174: towards the Latin East. The signifi
Page 175 and 176: Appendix 2: The exchange rate betwe
Page 177 and 178: c 'ýg C o° 1° cL 0 2 c u) . "c
Page 179 and 180: Appendix 4: Bequest for the crusade
Page 181 and 182:
Edbury, Peter (ed. and trans. ), Th
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Tangl, Georgine, Studien zum Regist
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Bartholomaeis, Vincenzo de (ed. ),
Page 187 and 188:
Friedman, Yvonne, Encounter between
Page 189 and 190:
Olivieri, Agostino, Ìndice per ord
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