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Monaco 448 Another charter from 1192 applied to ùniverses lanuensibus vel lanuensibus dictis. '449 However, when Hugh II of Gibelet granted rights to the Genoese, his definition was effectively excluding himself and the Genoese inhabitants of Gibelet from this category too. This definition was financially sensible, because Hugh could not possibly allow free commerce to every Genoese, if this applied also to the residents of Gibelet. In an article on `Gli Italiani fuori d'Italia, ' David Abulafia wrote about the Italians who resided outside Italy that they did not necessarily have the same commercial interests as the Italian inhabitants of the mother-cities. Merchants who settled in such trading communities away from Italy often developed commercial interests in different directions: La presenza italiana fuori d'Italia fu cost espressa anche nella costruzione di cittä, nella formazione di una classe mercantile residente di espatriati, e nella creazione di reti commerciali sussidiarie the spesso non erano legate alla cittä madre in Italia, ma guardavano in direzioni completamente opposte 45° The creation of independent societies which sometimes had contradictory interests to their home-towns in Italy may not be surprising. However, in the crusader states, the Italian communes have traditionally been viewed as branches of their home-towns. For example, this line of thought predominates in Favreau-Lilie's book, Die Italianer im Heiligen Land. In a review of this monograph, David Abulafia noted this flaw: `Favreau-Lilie has a tendency to speak of each major Italian city as a monolith with a single interest: the furtherance of its Levant trade at the lowest cost and lowest risk. '4s1 The meeting between the delegates from Genoa and Hugh II in Gibelet in March 1168, as reflected in the charter of Hugh, is clearly a case against this traditional view. At the bottom of the charter the list of witnesses is split into two parts; the names of the Genoese from Genoa are followed by the names of the witnesses from Gibelet. 1. Lanfranco Alberico, legatus lanue 2. marchio Enrico Guercio 3. Iacobo de Sarmaur 4. lacobo de Calamandrana 5. Obertus de Oleval 6. Nicola Ebriaco 7. Nicola Belfolio 8. Mantelus Èt ex Gibelleto adfuerunt' 1. Girardus de Stara 2. Ioffredus de Virnucel 3. Willelmus Leo 4. Nicola 5. Willelmus scriba "81 Libri Iurium, vol. 1/2, no. 333, p. 142. This concession was granted by King Guy of Lusignan on 26 October 1191 449 Charter by Conrad of Montferrat from April 1192.1 Libri lurium, vol. 1/2, no. 334, p. 145. aso David Abulafia, `Gli Italiani fuori d'Italia', in R. Romano (ed. ), Storia deli'economica italiana, vol. 1 (Turin, 1990), p. 264. 451 David Abulafia, review of Marie-Luise Favreau-Lilie, Die Italianer im Heiligen Land, Speculum, 67: 1 (January, 1992), p. 142. 127
One practical implication of this charter was that whatever migration of Genoese to the Latin East had occurred since the end of the First Crusade, by 1168 it reached a certain stability that made a social and geographical distinction possible. The 1168 charter may be seen as a milestone in the relationship between Genoa and the Genoese settlers in the Latin East. It implies that by 1168 a clear distinction had already formed between the two Genoese communities, that of Genoa and that of Gibelet. By 1168 most who wished to settle in Gibelet must have done so already and the migration between the two Genoas had reached equilibrium. It also suggests that Hugh II, the lord of Gibelet, who had descended from the Embriaco family saw himself and the other Genoese settlers as independent and not as part of Genoa and its society. The contract does not specify, for example, what was to be the status of a merchant who would arrive in Gibelet and might want to stay there for the short or long term. At what stage would such an individual lose his right for tax-free commerce in Gibelet, or in other words, when will he no longer be a Genoese merchant and become a resident of the crusader states? The fact that this issue was not addressed in the contract suggests that it was probably not a conceivable problem. Another aspect of the growing rift between Genoa and the Embriaci in Gibelet involved the family's identity and the self-definition of its members. Studies thus far have not paid attention to the change in the surname of the Embriaci who settled in Gibelet. Sometime in the 1160s the Embriaci from Gibelet had abandoned their Genoese surname Embriaco as well as the name of Gibelet. Under Hugh II, the family reverted to the ancient Greek name of Gibelet - Byblos. Members of the family and the inhabitants of the sea-port town began to refer to themselves as the de Biblio. Evidence of this change is found in many documents in which members of the family are mentioned in the collection of documents of the Order of St John by Paoli and later in that by Delaville le Roulx 452 In documents from the first half of the twelfth century the rulers of Gibelet were referred to by their Genoese surname Embriaco. For example, between 1139 and 1157 Guglielmo II Embriaco (the father of Hugh II) is mentioned six times in documents of the Order: in five out of the six cases his name was included in witness lists in various acts by the count of Tripoli. 453 In 1157, however, Guglielmo made a concession of some possessions in Tripoli to his wife Sanse and his son Hugh. In this record, Guglielmo is mentioned for the first time as `Guillelmus Ebriacus, Dei gratia Gibelleti dominus. '454 The lordship of the Embriaci was therefore recognised in the Latin East even when the family was supposedly still 452 Sebastiano Paoli (ed. ), Codice diplomatico del sacro militare ordine gerosolimitano, oggi di Malta, 2 vols. (Lucca, 1733-7); J. Delaville le Roulx (ed. ), Cartulaire general de /'Ordre des Hospitaliers de St. Jean de Jerusalem (1110-1310), 4 vols. (Paris, 1894-1906). These charters include donation of possessions to the Order in the surrounding area of Gibelet. Deschamps identified the location of some villages. Paul Descahmps, La Defense do comtd de Tripoli, pp. 187-189. ass Paoli, vol. 1, nos. 18,23; Delaville, vol. 1, nos. 144,160,199 454 Paoli, vol. 1, doc. 33. p. 35 128
Page 1 and 2:
PtiD . ascýo The Merchant of Genoa
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I 2 3 4 5 Contents: Abbreviations L
Page 5 and 6:
Abbreviations Ann. Ian. Caffaro, An
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Tables Table 1: Genoese ships and t
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Introduction: The merchant of Genoa
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Benjamin Kedar, Marie-Luise Favreau
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notary Lanfranco from the first eig
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money or merchandise! These tables
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they used was dated and therefore m
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Genoa and the Third Crusade This ch
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example, that shipowners and sailor
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annals from that period, written by
Page 25 and 26:
The first wave of Genoese crusaders
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East, especially under Conrad of Mo
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crusade. Two of them, Maurino and S
Page 31 and 32:
Provisions (vianda) for each person
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the travelling contracts of the tim
Page 35 and 36:
following year supply some leads to
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For example, the years 1190 to 1192
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they were promised part of the paym
Page 41 and 42:
wine exported to Bougie and sold fo
Page 43 and 44:
allowed to carry this money with hi
Page 45 and 46:
transition marked by the Third Crus
Page 47 and 48:
Fourth Crusade, there was an increa
Page 49 and 50:
2 The impact of a crusade: the reac
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enewal and extension of Barbarossa'
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Oberto Malocello, and Heredes de Ma
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would sail in custodiam navium and
Page 57 and 58:
The preparations for the Fourth Cru
Page 59 and 60:
perhaps he was more accurate than u
Page 61 and 62:
All the records that contain such r
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esult of various reasons including
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econfirmed. ' 87 The plan was there
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Not all merchants detailed their pl
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Figure 4: Map of the main trade and
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is correct and the significance of
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This paragraph is a conspicuous pre
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east at the same time as Giovanni t
Page 77 and 78: Abulafia wrote about Crete that `st
Page 79 and 80: Henry's fleet harbour in Tripoli? I
Page 81 and 82: Malta in Tripoli in great detail wi
Page 83 and 84: 3 An unprovoked crusade? This chapt
Page 85 and 86: success, especially with the women
Page 87 and 88: Although Friedman did not explicitl
Page 89 and 90: war business could have been for th
Page 91 and 92: Or vos dirai que les Sarazins d'Ali
Page 93 and 94: Pope Innocent III and the maritime
Page 95 and 96: with Venice. 309 This eventually en
Page 97 and 98: peace truces after Hattin, and espe
Page 99 and 100: eceived concessions in Tripoli and
Page 101 and 102: commerce in Bougie as well as Alexa
Page 103 and 104: such specification was necessary. I
Page 105 and 106: James's letters written to the pope
Page 107 and 108: most of the ships that sailed in 12
Page 109 and 110: The sum bequeathed was not related
Page 111 and 112: 4 Embriaco or do Biblio, what's In
Page 113 and 114: town may contribute to the understa
Page 115 and 116: Les Genois transformerent vite ou l
Page 117 and 118: ecause another branch of the family
Page 119 and 120: high fee. For Antioch, Genoa reques
Page 121 and 122: Unfortunately, Gibelet was not incl
Page 123 and 124: comparative map presented by Elieze
Page 125 and 126: `perhaps most notable for its hands
Page 127: [my 444 emphasis] At first glance,
Page 131 and 132: There was some similarity between t
Page 133 and 134: of James of Vitry there is a simila
Page 135 and 136: On the following day, 12 March 1186
Page 137 and 138: of Genoa turned their attention mor
Page 139 and 140: epresentatives of the church of St
Page 141 and 142: church of St Lawrence were on the l
Page 143 and 144: Figure 11: Acre - the census per ho
Page 145 and 146: 5 The Genoese communities in the ki
Page 147 and 148: settlers acted as representatives o
Page 149 and 150: suffered as a result of the Venetia
Page 151 and 152: Tyre. Who was responsible to these
Page 153 and 154: leased for twenty eight years in th
Page 155 and 156: interests, and their intense enmity
Page 157 and 158: Genoese sources. Perhaps some of th
Page 159 and 160: Genoese. The Third and Fourth Crusa
Page 161 and 162: her family could have been part of
Page 163 and 164: Bonvicino, who were indeed new sett
Page 165 and 166: was brought up in the parliament. I
Page 167 and 168: Genoese names in the charters of Ar
Page 169 and 170: Tyre. Perhaps this means that despi
Page 171 and 172: Conclusions The main contribution o
Page 173 and 174: towards the Latin East. The signifi
Page 175 and 176: Appendix 2: The exchange rate betwe
Page 177 and 178: c 'ýg C o° 1° cL 0 2 c u) . "c
Page 179 and 180:
Appendix 4: Bequest for the crusade
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Edbury, Peter (ed. and trans. ), Th
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Tangl, Georgine, Studien zum Regist
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Bartholomaeis, Vincenzo de (ed. ),
Page 187 and 188:
Friedman, Yvonne, Encounter between
Page 189 and 190:
Olivieri, Agostino, Ìndice per ord
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