The Crusades, the Genoese and the Latin East - DSpace at ...
The Crusades, the Genoese and the Latin East - DSpace at ... The Crusades, the Genoese and the Latin East - DSpace at ...
justified. The cartulary of Lanfranco from 1216 contains wills with bequests for passagio de ultramare. As Steven Epstein showed, bequests for the crusades were not common in Genoa before the Fifth Crusade. Epstein's analysis of 190 Genoese wills compiled between 1155 and 1204 reveals that there was only one bequest for the crusades from the time of the Third Crusade. 73 Nonetheless, Epstein wrote that `ransoming captives from the Muslim was a meritorious act, as was donating to the crusades. '374 It is very significant, however, that between 23 August 1216 and 21 December 1216 a collection of such bequests suddenly appear in the wills (appendix 4). Moreover, Lanfranco documented in that period seven wills, of four women and three men. Out of the seven, five wills contain bequests for the crusade. Is that a reflection of James' preaching in Genoa? Is it possible to identify a female response to James's enthusiastic preaching? Steven Epstein mentions these bequests to the crusading efforts, which he considered an act of social charity, because the crusades were, `particularly in the Italian ports, a war effort and a kind of commercial investment. ' 375 Epstein noticed a particularly large number of such wills during the preparations for the Fifth Crusade, but James Powell was the first to suggest, in a footnote, that this phenomenon might be linked to the preaching of James of Vitry376 These cases, therefore, deserve a closer observation. Berta de Gala, Aidela uxor Oberti Nigrini and Montanaria uxor Martini de Mari draperii bequeathed £%s, L4 and L5 respectively. 377 Montanaria, wife of a wool weaver, specified in her bequest that she intended to take this sum with her to the Holy Land: s100 lego in servitio passagi ultramarini si non iero, si autem iero illos mecum portabo. 378 The case of Montanaria is an example of a name that should be added to Powell's list of people who planned to embark for the Latin East. Aidela's will refers to a previous one that was thereby cancelled. Since her previous will has not remained it cannot be determined what had motivated her to make a new will and whether this was just in order to add the bequest for the crusade. Furthermore, Bertranno de Lavania and Berta de Gala both made their wills, one after the other, on the same day of 23 August 1216. In the light the sudden appearance of this series of bequests it seem inevitable to suggest a strong link to the preaching efforts on the eve of the crusade. 373 As was mentioned in Chapter One, Epstein did not take the will of Anselmo Buxono into account (OS, 1190, no. 609 from 10 August) or merchants' donations for the crusade in other contracts (GC, 1191, no. 318 from 20 March 1191) or their supply of grain and other commodities for the crusaders. 374 Steven A. Epstein, Genoa and the Genoese, 958-1528 (Chapel Hill, 1996), p. 92. 375 Steven A. Epstein, Wills and Wealth in Medieval Genoa, 1150-1250 (Cambridge Mass., 1984), pp. 187- 188. 376 Powell, Anatomy of a Crusade, pp. 67-68. 37 Lanfranco 1216, nos. 1079,1224,1319. 378 Lanfranco 1216, no. 1319, from 21 December 1216. 107
The sum bequeathed was not related to gender. Rustico della Costa, for example, left l Os, as did Berta de Gala, while Bertranno bequeathed E2.79 Unfortunately, the seven cases are too few and therefore do not allow further analysis into the nature of the Genoese reaction to the preaching in terms of gender, social status and wealth. What was the content of James of Vitry's preaching to the Genoese women? Unfortunately, despite the fact that so many of his sermons remain, the ones he preached in the churches and the streets of Genoa were not identified. In a recent thesis on The Faces of Women in the Sermons of Jacques de Vitry, Carolyn Muessig quotes a passage from James's sermons concerning Marie d'Oignies: `who wishes to come after me, let him renounce himself and take up the Cross and follow me (Luke 9,23)... She took up the cross by chastising her body through abstinence and imitated Christ by casting herself down through humility. '380 Whatever James of Vitry said to the women of Genoa, his impact was made evident. It seems that he did not exaggerate when he claimed to have been particularly successful with the women of Genoa. When James of Vitry recruited women for the crusade, however, he implemented a general policy that was ordered by Innocent III. Thomas van Cleve describes the novelty in the preaching of the time. James of Vitry and especially Robert of Courcon `permitted all who volunteered to accept the cross: old men, women, children, cripples, the deaf and the blind. ' This was a reflection of policy change, or in van Cleve's words: `this was... Innocent's fault: in his anxiety lest aid to the Holy Land be unduly delayed. s381 James Powell, however, explains the logic behind Innocent's idea: `the redemption of vows of unsuitable crusaders, especially women, was a major innovation that was certain to raise a substantial amount of money'382. It is important to note that these Genoese wills and the James of Vitry's words to the Genoese reflect papal orders regarding the recruiting of all Christians, including women. Jonathan Riley Smith has describes this pragmatic attitude: `everyone, whatever his or her condition, was to be encouraged to take the cross, but those who were not suitable could then redeem their vows for money payments. '383 In an article on women crusaders, Maureen Purcell reviews the medieval debates about women's role in the crusades. It is interesting to see that the issue had attracted the attention of some of the leading figures in Europe at the time. Purcell mentions Pope Gregory X, Alexander of Hales, Thomas Aquinas, and the canonist Hostiensis who had dealt with this issue in great length. Some of the questions discussed in their writing are directly related to women's 379 Lanfranco 1216, nos. 1078,1086. 380 Carolyn Muessig, The Faces of Women in the Sermons of Jacques de Vitry (Toronto, 1999), p. 43; Jacques de Vitry, The Life of Marie d'Oignies (Toronto, 1993), lib 1, p. 641. 381 Thomas van Cleve, `The Fifth Crusade', p. 380. 382 Powell, Anatomy of a Crusade, p. 21. 383 Jonathan Riley Smith, The Crusades: A Short History, p. 143. 108
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justified. <strong>The</strong> cartulary of Lanfranco from 1216 contains wills with bequests for passagio de<br />
ultramare. As Steven Epstein showed, bequests for <strong>the</strong> crusades were not common in Genoa<br />
before <strong>the</strong> Fifth Crusade. Epstein's analysis of 190 <strong>Genoese</strong> wills compiled between 1155 <strong>and</strong><br />
1204 reveals th<strong>at</strong> <strong>the</strong>re was only one bequest for <strong>the</strong> crusades from <strong>the</strong> time of <strong>the</strong> Third<br />
Crusade. 73 None<strong>the</strong>less, Epstein wrote th<strong>at</strong> `ransoming captives from <strong>the</strong> Muslim was a<br />
meritorious act, as was don<strong>at</strong>ing to <strong>the</strong> crusades. '374 It is very significant, however, th<strong>at</strong> between<br />
23 August 1216 <strong>and</strong> 21 December 1216 a collection of such bequests suddenly appear in <strong>the</strong> wills<br />
(appendix 4). Moreover, Lanfranco documented in th<strong>at</strong> period seven wills, of four women <strong>and</strong><br />
three men. Out of <strong>the</strong> seven, five wills contain bequests for <strong>the</strong> crusade. Is th<strong>at</strong> a reflection of<br />
James' preaching in Genoa? Is it possible to identify a female response to James's enthusiastic<br />
preaching?<br />
Steven Epstein mentions <strong>the</strong>se bequests<br />
to <strong>the</strong> crusading efforts, which he considered an<br />
act of social charity, because<br />
<strong>the</strong> crusades were, `particularly in <strong>the</strong> Italian ports, a war effort <strong>and</strong><br />
a kind of commercial investment.<br />
' 375 Epstein noticed a particularly large number of such wills<br />
during <strong>the</strong> prepar<strong>at</strong>ions for <strong>the</strong> Fifth Crusade, but James Powell was <strong>the</strong> first to suggest, in a<br />
footnote, th<strong>at</strong> this phenomenon might be linked to <strong>the</strong> preaching of James of Vitry376 <strong>The</strong>se<br />
cases, <strong>the</strong>refore, deserve a closer observ<strong>at</strong>ion. Berta de Gala, Aidela uxor Oberti Nigrini <strong>and</strong><br />
Montanaria uxor Martini de Mari draperii bequea<strong>the</strong>d £%s, L4 <strong>and</strong> L5 respectively. 377 Montanaria,<br />
wife of a wool weaver, specified in her bequest th<strong>at</strong> she intended to take this sum with her to <strong>the</strong><br />
Holy L<strong>and</strong>: s100 lego in servitio passagi ultramarini si non iero, si autem iero illos mecum<br />
portabo. 378<br />
<strong>The</strong> case of Montanaria is an example of a name th<strong>at</strong> should be added to Powell's list<br />
of people who planned to embark for <strong>the</strong> <strong>L<strong>at</strong>in</strong> <strong>East</strong>. Aidela's will refers to a previous one th<strong>at</strong><br />
was <strong>the</strong>reby cancelled. Since her previous will has not remained it cannot be determined wh<strong>at</strong> had<br />
motiv<strong>at</strong>ed her to make a new will <strong>and</strong> whe<strong>the</strong>r this was just in order to add <strong>the</strong> bequest for <strong>the</strong><br />
crusade. Fur<strong>the</strong>rmore, Bertranno de Lavania <strong>and</strong> Berta de Gala both made <strong>the</strong>ir wills, one after<br />
<strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r, on <strong>the</strong> same day of 23 August 1216. In <strong>the</strong> light <strong>the</strong> sudden appearance of this series of<br />
bequests it seem inevitable to suggest a strong link to <strong>the</strong> preaching efforts on <strong>the</strong> eve of <strong>the</strong><br />
crusade.<br />
373<br />
As was mentioned in Chapter One, Epstein did not take <strong>the</strong> will of Anselmo Buxono into account (OS,<br />
1190, no. 609 from 10 August) or merchants' don<strong>at</strong>ions for <strong>the</strong> crusade in o<strong>the</strong>r contracts (GC, 1191, no.<br />
318 from 20 March 1191) or <strong>the</strong>ir supply of grain <strong>and</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r commodities for <strong>the</strong> crusaders.<br />
374<br />
Steven A. Epstein, Genoa <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Genoese</strong>, 958-1528 (Chapel Hill, 1996), p. 92.<br />
375<br />
Steven A. Epstein, Wills <strong>and</strong> Wealth in Medieval Genoa, 1150-1250 (Cambridge Mass., 1984), pp. 187-<br />
188.<br />
376 Powell, An<strong>at</strong>omy of a Crusade, pp. 67-68.<br />
37 Lanfranco 1216, nos. 1079,1224,1319.<br />
378 Lanfranco 1216, no. 1319, from 21 December 1216.<br />
107