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several names of crusaders, men and women. These people could have been influenced to bequeath money or volunteer by the powerful words of James of Vitry. Some of these cases will be discussed in the following pages. Finally, the cartulary from 1216 contains evidence of an important change in Genoa that seems to be related to the crusade: a significant number of ships were given religious names. Some were even named after particular saints. Benjamin Kedar discussed the change of names to saints' names in the High Middle-Ages, a phenomenon that applied also to ships' names. He concluded that: The great onomastic upsurge towards saints' names occurred in the generation that was born during the early decades of the fourteenth century... the names of Genoese ships point to a similar conclusion. The examination of one series of documents has shown that in the years 1200 to 1214, only twelve out of sixty-three vessels bore a Christian name... the proportion rose to twenty-six out of fifty-five in the years 1215 to 1249... from the beginning of the fourteenth century, however, almost all ships were named after saints. M 3 Table 2: Ships' names 1198-1226 year / destination 1198 1200-1 1203 1213 1214 1216 1222 1226 Genoa Dianna Si Peter - Arena Luna St Lucas Temploria Benedicta Holy Paradise Ultramare Gaze /la the Buixnigra (or Donna Meliorata St James Peregrina Spirit Buianigue) Dedonna St Lucas Gloria Navara Genoa - Venciguerra lalna de Finar Torexana Oliva Alexandria Nova - [nova] Rosa Naulenxium Ferrata lalna Santa (Nova de) St Martha Peter de Arena St Peter Rosa Una de Finar - - - - The change in naming fashion over two hundred years is interesting and important, however, the timing of this change is significant too. It seems that the years of preparation for the Fifth Crusade signify a turning point as far as this onamastic change is concerned. In 1213, Genoa had only one such ship named after St Lucas, but in 1216 it was joined by St Peter and St James. Other new ships appear in the cartularies with the names the Benedicta, the Peregrine and the Gloria. Is it a coincidence that so many ships were given such names? Was it pure chance that 368 Benjamin Z. Kedar, Merchants in Crisis: Genoese and Venetian Men of Affairs and the Fourteenth- Century Depression (New Haven, 1976), p. 102. See also Giovanna Balbi, `I nomi di nave a Genova nei secoli XII e XIII', in Miscellanea di storia figure in memoria di Giorgio Falco, in Universitä di Genova, Istituto di paleografia e storia medievale, Fonti e studi, vol. 12, (1966), pp. 211-237, and Michel Balard, `Les transports maritimes genois vers la Terre Sainte', in Gabriella Airaldi and Benjamin Z. Kedar (eds. ) I comuni italiani nel regno crociato di Gerusalemme (Genoa, 1986), pp. 145-46. 105
most of the ships that sailed in 1216 to the Latin East bore Christian names? It could be suggested that perhaps these ships were carrying a message of Christian devotion. Even more remarkable is the message of feminine devotion that springs out of the list of ships' names from the year 1216. It might indeed be a coincidence that ships were given these feminine names; it is nonetheless interesting to see that a similar process had also occurred simultaneously in Genoese society in general. 'Gives michi equos abstulerunt, et ego uxores eorum crucesignavi, ' James of Vitry in Genoa 369 James of Vitry's writings form part of the most interesting source for the understanding of the Fifth Crusade. In the autumn of 1216 James arrived in Genoa and had the opportunity to spend some time there before his embarkation for the Latin East. In his first letter to Pope Honorius III from 04 November 1216 he explains why in his opinion Genoa is potentially the power most capable of helping the Holy Land: Sunt autem homines illi potentes et divites et strenui in armis et bellicose, habentes copiam navium et galearum optimarum, nautas habentes peritos qui Wain in mare noverunt et in terrain Sarracenorum pro mercimoniis frequenter perrexerunt, nec credo quod sit aliqua civitas, que tantumpossit iuvare ad succursum terre sancte. 370 When James of Vitry first arrived in Genoa he was rather amazed to learn about a local custom to confiscate all horses for the purpose of war, regardless of the owners' wishes. However, in the absence of his horses and the Genoese men, James of Vitry seized the opportunity to preach to the women and the poor: Mulieres autem in civitate remanserunt, ego vero interim feci quod potui, verbum enim Dei multis mulieribus et paucis hominibus frequenter predicavi. Multitudo autem mulierum divitum et nobilium signum crucis recepit. James then concludes this letter in a rather sarcastic tone: 'cives michi equos abstulerunt, et ego uxores eorum crucesignavi. '371 James of Vitry was a skilful preacher who gained a high reputation during the Albigensian crusade. In Jonathan Riley Smith's words, 'the preaching of men like... James of Vitry for the Albigensian Crusade fired popular enthusiasm. '372 In his writing, it seems that James was aware of his impact on the crowd and that he took pride in it. Interestingly, notarial documents which were written in Genoa at the time of his visit prove that James' reputation was 369 Jacques de Vitry, Lettres de la Cinquieme Croisade, ed. Robert B. C. Huygens (Turnhout, 1998). Letter no. 1, from 04 November 1216, p. 30. 370 Ibld, p. 32. 371 Ibid, p. 30. See also James Powell, Anatomy of a Crusade, pp. 67-8. 372 Jonathan Riley Smith, The Crusades: A Short History (London, 1986), p. 140. 106
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PtiD . ascýo The Merchant of Genoa
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I 2 3 4 5 Contents: Abbreviations L
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Abbreviations Ann. Ian. Caffaro, An
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Tables Table 1: Genoese ships and t
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Introduction: The merchant of Genoa
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Benjamin Kedar, Marie-Luise Favreau
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notary Lanfranco from the first eig
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money or merchandise! These tables
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they used was dated and therefore m
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Genoa and the Third Crusade This ch
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example, that shipowners and sailor
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annals from that period, written by
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The first wave of Genoese crusaders
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East, especially under Conrad of Mo
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crusade. Two of them, Maurino and S
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Provisions (vianda) for each person
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the travelling contracts of the tim
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following year supply some leads to
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For example, the years 1190 to 1192
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they were promised part of the paym
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wine exported to Bougie and sold fo
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allowed to carry this money with hi
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transition marked by the Third Crus
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Fourth Crusade, there was an increa
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2 The impact of a crusade: the reac
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enewal and extension of Barbarossa'
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Oberto Malocello, and Heredes de Ma
Page 55 and 56: would sail in custodiam navium and
Page 57 and 58: The preparations for the Fourth Cru
Page 59 and 60: perhaps he was more accurate than u
Page 61 and 62: All the records that contain such r
Page 63 and 64: esult of various reasons including
Page 65 and 66: econfirmed. ' 87 The plan was there
Page 67 and 68: Not all merchants detailed their pl
Page 69 and 70: Figure 4: Map of the main trade and
Page 71 and 72: is correct and the significance of
Page 73 and 74: This paragraph is a conspicuous pre
Page 75 and 76: east at the same time as Giovanni t
Page 77 and 78: Abulafia wrote about Crete that `st
Page 79 and 80: Henry's fleet harbour in Tripoli? I
Page 81 and 82: Malta in Tripoli in great detail wi
Page 83 and 84: 3 An unprovoked crusade? This chapt
Page 85 and 86: success, especially with the women
Page 87 and 88: Although Friedman did not explicitl
Page 89 and 90: war business could have been for th
Page 91 and 92: Or vos dirai que les Sarazins d'Ali
Page 93 and 94: Pope Innocent III and the maritime
Page 95 and 96: with Venice. 309 This eventually en
Page 97 and 98: peace truces after Hattin, and espe
Page 99 and 100: eceived concessions in Tripoli and
Page 101 and 102: commerce in Bougie as well as Alexa
Page 103 and 104: such specification was necessary. I
Page 105: James's letters written to the pope
Page 109 and 110: The sum bequeathed was not related
Page 111 and 112: 4 Embriaco or do Biblio, what's In
Page 113 and 114: town may contribute to the understa
Page 115 and 116: Les Genois transformerent vite ou l
Page 117 and 118: ecause another branch of the family
Page 119 and 120: high fee. For Antioch, Genoa reques
Page 121 and 122: Unfortunately, Gibelet was not incl
Page 123 and 124: comparative map presented by Elieze
Page 125 and 126: `perhaps most notable for its hands
Page 127 and 128: [my 444 emphasis] At first glance,
Page 129 and 130: One practical implication of this c
Page 131 and 132: There was some similarity between t
Page 133 and 134: of James of Vitry there is a simila
Page 135 and 136: On the following day, 12 March 1186
Page 137 and 138: of Genoa turned their attention mor
Page 139 and 140: epresentatives of the church of St
Page 141 and 142: church of St Lawrence were on the l
Page 143 and 144: Figure 11: Acre - the census per ho
Page 145 and 146: 5 The Genoese communities in the ki
Page 147 and 148: settlers acted as representatives o
Page 149 and 150: suffered as a result of the Venetia
Page 151 and 152: Tyre. Who was responsible to these
Page 153 and 154: leased for twenty eight years in th
Page 155 and 156: interests, and their intense enmity
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Genoese sources. Perhaps some of th
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Genoese. The Third and Fourth Crusa
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her family could have been part of
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Bonvicino, who were indeed new sett
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was brought up in the parliament. I
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Genoese names in the charters of Ar
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Tyre. Perhaps this means that despi
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Conclusions The main contribution o
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towards the Latin East. The signifi
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Appendix 2: The exchange rate betwe
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c 'ýg C o° 1° cL 0 2 c u) . "c
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Appendix 4: Bequest for the crusade
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Edbury, Peter (ed. and trans. ), Th
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Tangl, Georgine, Studien zum Regist
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Bartholomaeis, Vincenzo de (ed. ),
Page 187 and 188:
Friedman, Yvonne, Encounter between
Page 189 and 190:
Olivieri, Agostino, `Indice per ord
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