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The Indo-European Elements in Hurrian

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2. Phonology, Writ<strong>in</strong>g Systems, Texts 29<br />

Proto-<strong>Indo</strong>-<strong>European</strong> when the stress-conditioned loss of former contiguous vowels left them<br />

between two non-syllabics, thus: *CVRCô > *CəRCô > *CÇCô.<br />

<strong>The</strong> laryngeals will be written here as: *H÷, *Hø, *Hù, *Hú (= Lehmann’s */"/, */x/, */γ/,<br />

and */h/, respectively). Both Fortson and Clackson write *h÷, *hø, *hù.<br />

Clackson (2007:34) reconstructs the follow<strong>in</strong>g vowels: short: *e, *o, *(a); long: *ē, *ō,<br />

*(ā). 60 He notes (2007:36):<br />

We shall see later <strong>in</strong> this chapter (section 2.5) that the loss of laryngeals <strong>in</strong> most of the PIE<br />

languages also had concomitant effects on the vowel system, and there is still debate about whether the<br />

reconstructed system really needs the vowels *a and *ā, which accord<strong>in</strong>gly have been bracketed <strong>in</strong> the<br />

phoneme <strong>in</strong>ventory given <strong>in</strong> table 2.4. Over the last fifty years the scholarly consensus has swayed<br />

between accept<strong>in</strong>g these vowels <strong>in</strong> the parent language and reject<strong>in</strong>g them. Some <strong>Indo</strong>-<strong>European</strong>ists have<br />

gone even further and reconstructed an orig<strong>in</strong>al vowel system with only one vowel, *e. At present, the<br />

balance of op<strong>in</strong>ion has settled <strong>in</strong> favour of reconstruct<strong>in</strong>g *a and *ā, pr<strong>in</strong>cipally supported by<br />

correspondence sets such as the word for ‘nose’, which <strong>in</strong> different IE languages derives from a stem *nas-<br />

or *nās-.<br />

60 For different (and conflict<strong>in</strong>g) <strong>in</strong>terpretations concern<strong>in</strong>g the reconstruction of the Proto-<strong>Indo</strong>-<strong>European</strong> vowels,<br />

especially on the phonemic status of *i and *u and diphthongs, cf. Beekes 1995:137—142, Brugmann 1904:66—<br />

109, Fortson 2004:60—62, Lehmann 1952:7—21, Meillet 1964:98—126, Szemerényi 1996:37—45.

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