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STEPHEN BRUNET them as mockeries of real gladiators but wanted to show that they had the skill and determination to obtain a distinction that any male gladiator would have been glad to have earned. 2. The other possible artistic representation of female gladiators is a funerary relief from Maastricht showing a victorious gladiator facing a defeated gladiator. both of them wearing the same type of helmet and using identical round shields and short swords. The suggestion that these figures were women was made by Wiedemann,58 but he did not give any reasons for his interpretation. and the published photographs provide no grounds for thinking that the figures represent women. Much more plausible is Junkelmann's proposal that the two gladiators were essedarii. 59 This does not necessarily I' Ie out that they were also women. but this kind of detail is not likely to have escaped Junkelmann's notice given the amount of study he has devoted to analyzing artistic representations involving the gladiatorial games. But even granted that Wiedemann was correct, the Maastricht relief and the Halicarnassus relief would confirm what we learn from the literary sources: the standard practice concerning female gladiators was to match them against other women. not against dwarfs or. for that matter. against men of any type. OBSERVATIONS AND CONCLUSIONS One implication to be drawn from the above list is that Nero's reign was not the first time that female gladiators had appeared in the arena. So while Dio and Tacitus considered it reprehensible that Nero forced noblewomen to fight in the arena, they did not consider it unusual for women of other social classes to fight as gladiators. Petronius (presuming a Neronian date for the Cena Trimalchionis) also gives the impression that female gladiators were not an entirely new feature in the time of Nero. The ultimate treat for the aficionado Echion was not the chance to see a regular female gladiator-that was something he seems to have already seen-but a woman who was going to fight as an esse- left-handed gladiator at Pompeii." ZPE 114 (1996) 194--196. 58 Wiedemann (above, n. 4) 53 n. 117,112, fig. II. Elsewhere (38-39) he seems to think these gladiators were men, suggesting that the defeated gladiator in this relief was shown with his knees together and legs turned in because this effeminate pose marked his inferiority. 59 M. Junkelmann, Das Spiel mit dem Tod: So kampften Roms Gladiatoren (Mainz am Rhein 2000) fig. 178. Junkeimann discusses the evidence for the nature of the essedarius on Il6-Il9. The most famous example of this type of gladiator is the woman who is scheduled to fight as an essedarius in Petronius' imaginary festival (see above, II. I in the list of evidence for female gladiators).

FEMALE AND DWARFGLADIATORS [65 darius. one of the more unusual types of gladiators. How much before the reign of Nero women first fought in the arena cannot be determined with complete certainty. The Senatus Consultum of A.D. 19 contemplates that women might become gladiators but does not prove that any had actually done so. The need for regulations could easily have been triggered by young men who had joined gladiatorial schools. while women were included simply for the sake of comprehensiveness. Because of the lack of details in Athenaeus' report. it is hard to trust the evidence of Nicolaus of Damascus that female slaves could be forced to fight as gladiators in the late Republic or early Empire. The two sources strongly hint but do not prove that by the time of Augustus a Roman audience had already witnessed fights involving female gladiators or venatores. The rarity of female gladiators is testified by the fact that. out of the massive number of vases. reliefs. lamps and other artworks that draw their subject matter from the world of gladiatorial combat. we possess only one artistic representation clearly depicting female gladiators. 60 Moreover. the inscription from Ostia mentioned above indicates that as late as the second century A.D. female gladiators had never appeared before in a city that was moderately large and relatively close to Rome. Finally. we should not be deceived by the large number of authors who refer to female gladiators. The number of occasions when we can be certain that women actually appeared in the games at Rome is quite small: once during the reign of Nero (assuming that Dio and Tacitus refer to the same event), once under Titus (granted that Mart. Sp. 6 and 68 concern the same event). and once under Domitian (Stat. Silv. 1.6). It should also be noted that on only two of these occasions. under Nero and under Domitian. did women fight as actual gladiators. Titus seems to have employed women exclusively as venatores. Likewise. we know of only two sites other than Rome at which we can be certain female gladiators appeared: Ostia (the inscription discussed above) and Hali- 60 The rarity of female gladiators in Roman society undercuts M. Vesley's argument ("Gladiatorial training for girls in the Collegia Iuvenum of the Roman Empire." EMC 42 [1998] 85-93) that some girls of elite families received gladiatorial training in the collegia iuvenum and then decided to become actual gladiators. His evidence that girls became full members of the collegia iuvenum is open to debate. but this is not the place to dispute that issue. More problematic are his assertions that (I) the collegia iuvenum "were the training grounds for male nobles who wished to appear in the arena" (a claim that needs but receives no justification) and (2) that since female gladiators were a common feature of Roman life (a view that does not stand up to close examination. as demonstrated here). they must have received their training somewhere. e.g. in the collegia iuvenum.

STEPHEN BRUNET<br />

them as mockeries of real gladiators but wanted to show that they had<br />

the skill and determination to obtain a distinction that any male gladiator<br />

would have been glad to have earned.<br />

2. The other possible artistic representation of female gladiators is a<br />

funerary relief from Maastricht showing a victorious gladiator facing a<br />

defeated gladiator. both of them wearing the same type of helmet and<br />

using identical round shields and short swords. The suggestion that<br />

these figures were women was made by Wiedemann,58 but he did not<br />

give any reasons for his interpretation. and the published photographs<br />

provide no grounds for thinking that the figures represent women.<br />

Much more plausible is Junkelmann's proposal that the two gladiators<br />

were essedarii. 59 This does not necessarily I' Ie out that they were also<br />

women. but this kind of detail is not likely to have escaped Junkelmann's<br />

notice given the amount of study he has devoted to analyzing<br />

artistic representations involving the gladiatorial games. But even<br />

granted that Wiedemann was correct, the Maastricht relief and the<br />

Halicarnassus relief would confirm what we learn from the literary<br />

sources: the standard practice concerning female gladiators was to<br />

match them against other women. not against dwarfs or. for that matter.<br />

against men of any type.<br />

OBSERVATIONS AND CONCLUSIONS<br />

One implication to be drawn from the above list is that Nero's reign<br />

was not the first time that female gladiators had appeared in the arena.<br />

So while Dio and Tacitus considered it reprehensible that Nero forced<br />

noblewomen to fight in the arena, they did not consider it unusual for<br />

women of other social classes to fight as gladiators. Petronius (presuming<br />

a Neronian date for the Cena Trimalchionis) also gives the impression<br />

that female gladiators were not an entirely new feature in the<br />

time of Nero. The ultimate treat for the aficionado Echion was not the<br />

chance to see a regular female gladiator-that was something he seems<br />

to have already seen-but a woman who was going to fight as an esse-<br />

left-handed gladiator at Pompeii." ZPE 114 (1996) 194--196.<br />

58 Wiedemann (above, n. 4) 53 n. 117,112, fig. II. Elsewhere (38-39) he seems<br />

to think these gladiators were men, suggesting that the defeated gladiator in this<br />

relief was shown with his knees together and legs turned in because this effeminate<br />

pose marked his inferiority.<br />

59 M. Junkelmann, Das Spiel mit dem Tod: So kampften Roms Gladiatoren<br />

(Mainz am Rhein 2000) fig. 178. Junkeimann discusses the evidence for the nature<br />

of the essedarius on Il6-Il9. The most famous example of this type of<br />

gladiator is the woman who is scheduled to fight as an essedarius in Petronius'<br />

imaginary festival (see above, II. I in the list of evidence for female gladiators).

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