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BOOK REVIEWS/COMPTES RENDUS imprecise. Rendering 8pia!-l[3ov as "contumely" at 31.5 gives it an otherwise undocumented sense while foregoing the entirely appropriate and amply attested (albeit not by LSJ) "revelation," "disclosure." Why "Didymoi" at 33.21 for what is consistently and correctly "Didyma" in the commentary? The phrase "colonized in passing" parlays awkward Greek (36.6-7) into more awkward Englis . At 37.II the sequence "Europe, whence the myth of Europa has come to the Greeks" conceals the true antecedent of the Greek relative, At 37.18 the logic of the narrative favours something like "were losing" over "were defeated" for !iTTwVTal. Is "aulas" a helpful rendering of aVAOV at 38.10 even in default of any precise English term for the instrument? At 40.12 EKOIJcIOV suggests something less passive than "acquiescence." The context favours "founders" or "colonists" over Bl'own's "inhabitants" for oiKJiTopacat 41.13. Paradoxically perhaps, a Commentary on this minor work is a demanding undertaking, in effect fifty different projects, each with its unique mix of literary, linguistic, mythic, historical and religious ingredients. Brown braves the tangles with inco sistent success. Sometimes he allows his researches to lead him to observations in excess of what is helpful or relevant. While commenting on the foundation legend of Olynthus, for example, he expatiates on the city's Classical and Hellenistic history and archaeology. Though foundation legends are usually retro-fictions explicable by later history, Brown draws no connection here and none is self-evident. Elsewhere the notes on Sithon and Pallene contain a disquisition on chariot warfare in the Iliad, although Konon's story has nothing to do with chariots or with the Iliad. Here Parthenius' version of the story is a tenuous link, for it has a chariot race, though no discernible connection to the Iliad. At other times Brown conspicuously neglects the relevant. His treatment of Olynthian history contrasts with that of the Rhodian legend featuring a founder named Althaimenes, an obvious retrojection of the historical Althaimenids, on whom, however, Brown has not a word. In at least one instance marginally relevant material is introduced while more obviously pertinent data are neglected. Noting Konon's anomalous and toponymically inappropriate localizing of the story of Heracles and Syleus' daughter beneath Pelion in Thessaly, Brown overlooks the possibility (br ached by others) that the story is conflated with its doublet (Heracks and Amyntor's daughter) localized, precisely, near Pelion in Thessaly. He diverges instead to more tenuous analogies between the stories of Heracles and Syleus's daughter and Demophon and Phyllis. The Commentary also has puzzling linguistic or stylistic entries such as that at 6.8-g. "Casaubon proposed ETI l-laAAOV for MSS hrl !-laAAOV. Although a Greek of Imperial age [sic] would have written ETI !-laAAOV

BOOKREVIEWS/COMPTES RENDUS 223 rather than the Herodotean eTTllJaAAov (1.94.5.3.104.3.4.181.4). we cannot discount the possibility that Konon's source used the Ionicism consciously." The first among several problems with this sequence is that it does not indicate where. or why. Casaubon made his proposition. Although Herodotus uses eTTI lJaAAov it is not particularly "Herodotean." Why does Brown think it an Ionicism? Why would a Greek of the Imperial period not use a locution attested in numerous non-Ionic passages from Plato through late Byzantine times? At 18.9-10 Brown says that "According to LSI S.v. [EKl-lEIAiccw] the word was used solely by writers of the first and second centuries A.D." More accurately. LSI only cite instances from those centuries while other lexicographical resources show copious instances from other periods. But what is the point of the prevaricating observation in the first place? Brown sometimes fails to maintain precise control of his data. On 5.35 some of his words-"Ancient writers were apparently fascinated by reports of curious distributional anomalies among the cicadas"echo those of I.C Beavis (Insects and Other Invertebrates in Classical Antiquity [1988] 97)-"The subject of curious distributional anomalies among cicadas evidently held a certain fascination for the ancients." Beavis. though. an authority of whom Brown's readers ought to be made aware. is nowhere named. Brown can echo his own words too. as he does on 138 where the information on the location of CVAEOC TTEOiov is repeated within seven lines. although without its geographically significant typo "Argolis" (for "Argilos"). There is a seeming contradiction in citing an inscription (ca. 207 B.C) documenting a Thessalian foundation for Magnesia on the Meander and then saying. on the same page. that either Konon or Strabo is the earliest source for a Thessalian connection with Magnesia. On a related point: why is he confident. without suggesting purpose or motive. that Plato invented the Cretan city of Magnesia? Notes on the Island of Achilles increase the confusion already present in the ancient documentation. It does not help that Brown shows no awareness of the recent spate of publications on the islands sacred to Achilles in the Black Sea. The physical reality of at least two such islands undercuts Brown's assumption that Konon. who does not name the island. refers to Leuke. Although Brown refers in one note to both Leuke and Berezan island. in another he seems to suggest that the Island of Achilles had no real existence: "The White Island ... probably had its origin in Hesiod. who wrote that the Trojan and Theban heroes were translated to the Islands of the Blessed." There is a legitimate analogy here. possibly even a causal connection in one direction or the other. but Hesiod does not mention the White Island. which is a concrete geographic entity. unlike the Hesiodic islands.

BOOKREVIEWS/COMPTES RENDUS 223<br />

rather than the Herodotean eTTllJaAAov (1.94.5.3.104.3.4.181.4). we cannot<br />

discount the possibility that Konon's source used the Ionicism consciously."<br />

The first among several problems with this sequence is that it<br />

does not indicate where. or why. Casaubon made his proposition. Although<br />

Herodotus uses eTTI lJaAAov it is not particularly "Herodotean."<br />

Why does Brown think it an Ionicism? Why would a Greek of the Imperial<br />

period not use a locution attested in numerous non-Ionic passages<br />

from Plato through late Byzantine times? At 18.9-10 Brown says that<br />

"According to LSI S.v. [EKl-lEIAiccw] the word was used solely by writers<br />

of the first and second centuries A.D." More accurately. LSI only cite<br />

instances from those centuries while other lexicographical resources<br />

show copious instances from other periods. But what is the point of the<br />

prevaricating observation in the first place?<br />

Brown sometimes fails to maintain precise control of his data. On<br />

5.35 some of his words-"Ancient writers were apparently fascinated<br />

by reports of curious distributional anomalies among the cicadas"echo<br />

those of I.C Beavis (Insects and Other Invertebrates in Classical<br />

Antiquity [1988] 97)-"The subject of curious distributional anomalies<br />

among cicadas evidently held a certain fascination for the ancients."<br />

Beavis. though. an authority of whom Brown's readers ought to be<br />

made aware. is nowhere named. Brown can echo his own words too. as<br />

he does on 138 where the information on the location of CVAEOC TTEOiov<br />

is repeated within seven lines. although without its geographically significant<br />

typo "Argolis" (for "Argilos"). There is a seeming contradiction<br />

in citing an inscription (ca. 207 B.C) documenting a Thessalian foundation<br />

for Magnesia on the Meander and then saying. on the same page.<br />

that either Konon or Strabo is the earliest source for a Thessalian connection<br />

with Magnesia. On a related point: why is he confident. without<br />

suggesting purpose or motive. that Plato invented the Cretan city of<br />

Magnesia?<br />

Notes on the Island of Achilles increase the confusion already present<br />

in the ancient documentation. It does not help that Brown shows no<br />

awareness of the recent spate of publications on the islands sacred to<br />

Achilles in the Black Sea. The physical reality of at least two such islands<br />

undercuts Brown's assumption that Konon. who does not name the island.<br />

refers to Leuke. Although Brown refers in one note to both Leuke<br />

and Berezan island. in another he seems to suggest that the Island of<br />

Achilles had no real existence: "The White Island ... probably had its<br />

origin in Hesiod. who wrote that the Trojan and Theban heroes were<br />

translated to the Islands of the Blessed." There is a legitimate analogy<br />

here. possibly even a causal connection in one direction or the other. but<br />

Hesiod does not mention the White Island. which is a concrete geographic<br />

entity. unlike the Hesiodic islands.

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