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36 Saga-Book of the Viking Society (b. 974 according to Borgfirbinga sogur 1938, lxxxvii), father of Arnorr jarlaskald, is not - to judge from his surviving corpus of 230 lines - among the skalds who quickly registered the coming of Christianity in his verse. Indeed, the few intrusions of the supernatural into his poetry, although vague, are of a polytheistic cast. The most explicit is a petition for a bloody victory against his rival Bjorn Hitdeelakappi which is addressed to all the powerful beings who created the sun and the moon and their course (altar rammar vettir, pan sk6pu hlyrn ok skeia beira, :PKolb Lv 9, ordered as prose). There is also a reference to plural fates iskop, :PKolb 1, 2) and to fate in the impersonal (skapat vas mer, :PKolb Lv 2). The skalds' inclusion of Christian references no doubt gained impetus from the fall of OIMr Haraldsson at Stiklastaoir in 1030, which so rapidly acquired an aura of martyrdom. It was probably no more than two years after the battle that :Porarinn loftunga referred in his Glelognskvioa, a kviouhaur poem addressed to Sveinn Knutsson (alias Alfifuson), to miracles at OIMr's shrine in Nioaross: the incorrupt body, the healings, the spontaneous ringing of bells and the flaring of candles (vv. 5-8). That OIMr has the ear of the Almighty is suggested as Porarinn advises Sveinn to enlist the support of OIMr, goos mabr, for his rule in Norway (v. 9). Similarly, Sigvatr :Poroarson's Erfidrapa for OIMr imbues Stiklastaoir with a spirit of crusade (v. 22) and reports miracles at OIMr's shrine (vv. 23-4). Nevertheless, the evidence does not suggest that pious declarations were an obligatory component of poetry composed during OIMr's lifetime and within his orbit. There are none in the extant verses by his devoted liegeman Porrnodr Kolbninarskald, whilst by contrast many pagan mythical names are embedded in Porrnoor's kennings; there is only one scrap of overt piety in the Head­ Ransom (HQfuOlausn) with which Ottarr svarti appeased the king (jJik remmir goo miklu ... gagni "God strengthens you with a mighty victory", Ott 2, 18); and there are none in the verses credited to OIMr himself. In the generation after Sigvatr and Hallfreor, with Christianity, at least in name, well established in Norway and Iceland.> one might expect to find a more intensive use of Christian reference coupled with one of two tendencies: either a still more complete rejection of the verbal trappings of heathendom, or else some restoration of these, now emptied of whatever sacral meaning they formerly possessed. Of the skalds patronised by OIMr helgi's

Christian and Pagan References: Arn6rr Jarlaskald 37 son Magnus inn gooi (1035-46/47) and half-brother Haraldr inn haroTiloi Siguroarson (c. 1045-66), only Arnorr Poroarson jarlaskald and pjo06lfr Arnorsson have left a sizeable legacy of preserved verses, but from the fragmentary corpus it appears that the inclusion of Christian or pagan allusions was still an area in which the individual tastes of skalds could differ importantly. I>jooolfr Arnorsson several times draws upon pagan myth for his conceits and refers to a plurality of gods in Donum v¢ru goo . . . grQm "the gods were angered with the Danes" (PjooA 4, 13; the grammatically singular v.l. var in MS Hrokkinskinna appears to be a secondary variant). Although this need not be taken as more than a form of words, it tallies with the fact that I>jo06lfr'ssurviving poetry includes only one Christian sentiment. It occurs in his lausavisa 26, where, declaring support for Haraldr's sons if the king should perish, the poet adds: "It will go as God wills" (Gengr sem goo vill). A similar idiom was used earlier in the 1060s by Porleikr fagri when composing in expectation of a sea-battle between Haraldr Siguroarson and Sveinn Ulfsson at the Gautelfr (Gota alv): Par ma goo valda, hvarr nemr enn annan ondu eoa londum "There God can decide who finally deprives the other of life or lands" (Pfagr 2, ordered as prose). Of Arnorr's remaining contemporaries, Stufr inn blindi and Steinn Herdisarson include Christian utterances which will be mentioned below, whilst the extant poetry of others, such as Bolverkr Arnorsson, Valgaror a Velli or King Haraldr himself, contains none at all. Pagan allusions, meanwhile, are on the whole sparse in the works of the lastmentioned poets and their contemporaries, and are limited to stereotyped references in kennings to gods such as Ooinn (under names which include Yggr, Gautr and Hoarr) and to valkyries such as Gunnr and Hildr. In the present connection the work of Arnorr jarlaskald (after lOll-after 1073) is of particular interest, for it is rich in both Christian and pagan references. The extant corpus consists of 451 lines of drottkveu verse, 130in the hrynhent metre, and an isolated three-syllable kenning. It seems from the character of I>oror Kolbeinsson's poetry, mentioned above, that this could not have been the stimulus to Arnorr's inclusion of Christian material in his own poetry, and this difference between the compositions of father and son agrees with the spirit of the anecdote in Bjarnar saga Hitdcelakappa ch. 23, in which the young Arnorr expresses moral distaste for poror and

36 Saga-Book of the <strong>Viking</strong> <strong>Society</strong><br />

(b. 974 according to Borgfirbinga sogur 1938, lxxxvii), father of<br />

Arnorr jarlaskald, is not - to judge from his surviving corpus of<br />

230 lines - among the skalds who quickly registered the coming<br />

of Christianity in his verse. Indeed, the few intrusions of the<br />

supernatural into his poetry, although vague, are of a polytheistic<br />

cast. The most explicit is a petition for a bloody victory against his<br />

rival Bjorn Hitdeelakappi which is addressed to all the powerful<br />

beings who created the sun and the moon and their course (altar<br />

rammar vettir, pan sk6pu hlyrn ok skeia beira, :PKolb Lv 9,<br />

ordered as prose). There is also a reference to plural fates iskop,<br />

:PKolb 1, 2) and to fate in the impersonal (skapat vas mer, :PKolb<br />

Lv 2).<br />

The skalds' inclusion of Christian references no doubt gained<br />

impetus from the fall of OIMr Haraldsson at Stiklastaoir in 1030,<br />

which so rapidly acquired an aura of martyrdom. It was probably<br />

no more than two years after the battle that :Porarinn loftunga<br />

referred in his Glelognskvioa, a kviouhaur poem addressed to<br />

Sveinn Knutsson (alias Alfifuson), to miracles at OIMr's shrine in<br />

Nioaross: the incorrupt body, the healings, the spontaneous ringing<br />

of bells and the flaring of candles (vv. 5-8). That OIMr has the ear<br />

of the Almighty is suggested as Porarinn advises Sveinn to enlist<br />

the support of OIMr, goos mabr, for his rule in Norway (v. 9).<br />

Similarly, Sigvatr :Poroarson's Erfidrapa for OIMr imbues Stiklastaoir<br />

with a spirit of crusade (v. 22) and reports miracles at OIMr's<br />

shrine (vv. 23-4).<br />

Nevertheless, the evidence does not suggest that pious declarations<br />

were an obligatory component of poetry composed during<br />

OIMr's lifetime and within his orbit. There are none in the extant<br />

verses by his devoted liegeman Porrnodr Kolbninarskald, whilst by<br />

contrast many pagan mythical names are embedded in Porrnoor's<br />

kennings; there is only one scrap of overt piety in the Head­<br />

Ransom (HQfuOlausn) with which Ottarr svarti appeased the king<br />

(jJik remmir goo miklu ... gagni "God strengthens you with a<br />

mighty victory", Ott 2, 18); and there are none in the verses<br />

credited to OIMr himself.<br />

In the generation after Sigvatr and Hallfreor, with Christianity,<br />

at least in name, well established in Norway and Iceland.> one<br />

might expect to find a more intensive use of Christian reference<br />

coupled with one of two tendencies: either a still more complete<br />

rejection of the verbal trappings of heathendom, or else some<br />

restoration of these, now emptied of whatever sacral meaning they<br />

formerly possessed. Of the skalds patronised by OIMr helgi's

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