ambassador rudolf v. perina - Association for Diplomatic Studies and ...
ambassador rudolf v. perina - Association for Diplomatic Studies and ...
ambassador rudolf v. perina - Association for Diplomatic Studies and ...
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PERINA: I would not ascribe it to anti-Serbism as such. It was a policy decision. Of<br />
course, there was a lot of pressure from the Hague Tribunal because they wanted<br />
Karadzic <strong>and</strong> Mladic badly. But mainly people feared that Karadzic <strong>and</strong> Mladic would be<br />
leaders <strong>and</strong> rallying points <strong>for</strong> Serb resistance to Dayton as long as they were free. This<br />
exaggerated their importance <strong>and</strong> underestimated the deeper <strong>and</strong> more complex roots of<br />
Serb nationalism. Somehow we often think that problems can be solved just by getting<br />
rid of people at the top. It is a bit like thinking that Iraq would flourish if we could just<br />
get rid of Saddam Hussein or that getting rid of Bin Laden will resolve the problem of<br />
terrorism.<br />
Q: And of course, the Kosovo issue was still on the table.<br />
PERINA: Exactly, <strong>and</strong> that was much more important. The sanctions linked to Kosovo<br />
were fully justified <strong>and</strong> in retrospect perhaps should even have been stronger. But by<br />
adding the Mladic <strong>and</strong> Karadzic conditionality we gave some Serbs the impression that<br />
the bar was so high <strong>and</strong> linked to so many issues that the West just did not want to<br />
normalize relations with Serbia. So why even try? But as <strong>for</strong> Kosovo, it was still<br />
relatively quiet in my time. The real crisis came after I left. But we were amazed to<br />
suddenly see the Kosovo Liberation Army appear out of nowhere. Our intelligence<br />
agencies had totally missed picking this up. A lot of the money came from Albanians in<br />
Western Europe, <strong>and</strong> we were just not focused on them.<br />
Q: Getting back to your position as DAS, how did John Kornblum use you?<br />
PERINA: Well Kornblum was also involved in Dayton implementation. There was a<br />
huge amount to do in that area. He did a lot of the overseas travel <strong>and</strong> was out of<br />
Washington very often. So as the Senior DAS, I ran the entire Bureau when he was gone.<br />
I was basically his back-up on almost everything. This was both good <strong>and</strong> bad. I did<br />
everything, but I also did nothing in the sense that there was no specific portfolio <strong>for</strong><br />
which I alone was responsible.<br />
Q: You also had this arrangement where Strobe Talbott was running the <strong>for</strong>mer Soviet<br />
Union. How did that fit in?<br />
PERINA: That’s right. This was the period when the <strong>for</strong>mer Soviet Union was not within<br />
the European Bureau. It had been broken off <strong>and</strong> put into the Office of Newly-<br />
Independent States (NIS) at the start of the Clinton Administration because it was a<br />
region that Strobe Talbott wanted to have <strong>for</strong> himself. By the time I became DAS, Strobe<br />
was the Deputy Secretary <strong>and</strong> no-longer the head of the NIS office but he still supervised<br />
it directly. So it did not fall under the European Bureau, <strong>and</strong> I never worked on the<br />
<strong>for</strong>mer Soviet Union in this period. Later, at the start of the Bush Administration, it was<br />
put back into the European Bureau.<br />
Q: Were there coordination problems because of this?<br />
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