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ambassador rudolf v. perina - Association for Diplomatic Studies and ...

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cannot now remember what finally triggered the bombing but the point was primarily to<br />

show the Serbs prior to Dayton that we were serious. Holbrooke wanted to show that<br />

there were teeth in the threats after all. But it all happened on short notice <strong>and</strong> no one had<br />

time to evacuate the Embassy when we finally might have needed to do so.<br />

Q: During this time was Croatia brought into the game?<br />

PERINA: Sure. There was another team working with Croatia to try to set up a Muslim-<br />

Croatian federation in Bosnia to balance off the Serbs in the negotiations. I was not<br />

directly involved in this but it was seen as one of the elements needed to make the<br />

Dayton structure work.<br />

Q: Was this structure worked out with Milosevic?<br />

PERINA: The basic elements agreed with Milosevic were that Bosnia would remain as a<br />

single, unified state consisting of two entities, the Serb Republic or Republika Srpska as<br />

the Serbs called it, <strong>and</strong> the Muslim-Croat Federation. The two entities would have a lot of<br />

autonomy, including their own parliaments, but there would be a central Bosnian<br />

parliament <strong>and</strong> governmental structure, a central judiciary <strong>and</strong> so on. There was a rough<br />

outline of the division of powers among these entities <strong>and</strong> the key institutions that would<br />

be created but otherwise all the details were worked out at Dayton. That is where we had<br />

the real experts, the lawyers <strong>and</strong> others to put flesh on the bones.<br />

Q: How did Holbrooke get the Bosnian Serbs to agree to this?<br />

PERINA: Well, Holbrooke rightly did not deal with the Bosnian Serb leaders Karadzic<br />

<strong>and</strong> Mladic. They were simply too tainted by the atrocities committed. That is why he<br />

dealt with Milosevic, <strong>and</strong> why Milosevic was key to the negotiations. One of the<br />

fundamental problems through the talks was that we needed to negotiate with the Bosnian<br />

Serbs but could not do so directly but only through Milosevic. Milosevic thus knew how<br />

important he was to the whole process <strong>and</strong> hoped to redeem himself <strong>and</strong> his entire career<br />

by helping to make Dayton succeed. There was the one episode that Holbrooke describes<br />

in his book when Milosevic persuaded us to have a meeting with Karadzic <strong>and</strong> Mladic.<br />

He organized it at a house on the outskirts of Belgrade. It was the only time that I also<br />

met with Karadzic <strong>and</strong> Mladic because, of course, they were not invited to the Dayton<br />

talks. They impressed me as rather sullen <strong>and</strong> unfriendly. They were, of course, very<br />

unhappy with the position they had gotten themselves into. Through their actions in<br />

Bosnia, they had become politically radioactive, <strong>and</strong> thus Milosevic held all the cards in<br />

the negotiations, <strong>and</strong> they as well as Holbrooke were dependent on him as an<br />

intermediary.<br />

Q: How did the Dayton meeting come about?<br />

PERINA: Well, once the Serbs, basically Milosevic, agreed to the basic principles <strong>and</strong><br />

structures of a settlement, it was understood that there would have to be a meeting of<br />

everyone involved to flesh out the agreement <strong>and</strong> sign it. You must remember that all of<br />

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