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ambassador rudolf v. perina - Association for Diplomatic Studies and ...

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Q: So what was happening with Kosovo in your time?<br />

PERINA: Kosovo was a whole other story. The entire diplomatic corps in Belgrade<br />

talked a lot about Kosovo but the U.S. took it most seriously. We were always worried<br />

about Kosovo. The conventional wisdom was that it would blow up someday, but no one<br />

knew when. The fact that it had not blown up, however, invariably led to it being<br />

relegated to the back burner. People were just too focused on Bosnia, where an actual war<br />

was going on, to focus on someplace where a potential war might take place. But we still<br />

did take it more seriously than other countries, in part also because of the interest in the<br />

U.S. Congress. The Albanian lobby in the U.S. was very effective. Probably only the<br />

Israeli <strong>and</strong> Armenian lobbies were better.<br />

I do not mean to imply that the Kosovo problem was somehow an artificial one, however.<br />

It was a very real problem, <strong>and</strong> very bad things were happening in Kosovo. The Serb<br />

approach was basically a colonial one. The Kosovar Albanians were treated brutally.<br />

They saw the U.S. as their major protector <strong>and</strong> often showed me photographs of the<br />

abuse: terrible pictures of people beaten, women raped, <strong>and</strong> so on. They were very good<br />

in documenting all of this <strong>and</strong> taking their case to the international community. On the<br />

other h<strong>and</strong>, in fairness one must say that many Serbs in Kosovo were also beaten up by<br />

Albanians when opportunities presented themselves <strong>for</strong> this. The gulf <strong>and</strong> the hatred<br />

between Serbs <strong>and</strong> Albanians were enormous.<br />

I haven't started talking about the Holbrooke visits yet but one of the things that I tried to<br />

do with Holbrooke was to get him more interested in Kosovo. I met a number of times<br />

with Ibrahim<br />

Rugova, the Kosovar Albanian leader who was elected President in elections that the<br />

Serbs did not recognize. He was a very moderate, reasonable <strong>and</strong> impressive person who<br />

did much to try to avoid an explosion in Kosovo because he knew, rightly, that the<br />

Albanians would pay an enormous price <strong>for</strong> it. He promoted peaceful resistance to Serbia<br />

<strong>and</strong> did so very effectively. Rugova almost never came to Belgrade but he told me that he<br />

would be willing to come if he had an opportunity to meet Holbrooke. I tried to interest<br />

Holbrooke in this but he turned it down. His position, both in Serbia <strong>and</strong> later during the<br />

Dayton talks, was that one had to resolve Bosnia first, that if the two issues became<br />

intertwined they would create a Gordian knot much more difficult to untangle. So he<br />

wanted to stay completely away from the Kosovo issues until Bosnia was resolved. He<br />

felt if he ever met with Rugova, even once, he would not be able to get away from it.<br />

Q: I think he had a point there. They were two quite different issues.<br />

PERINA: I think he was right but it was hard explaining this to the Albanians, which<br />

became my job both in Belgrade <strong>and</strong> during the Dayton talks. While we were in Dayton,<br />

there was a demonstration outside the base of several hundred Albanian-Americans who<br />

came from all over the country to ask that Kosovo be put on the Dayton agenda. It was<br />

the only demonstration during the Dayton talks, <strong>and</strong> I was assigned to go out <strong>and</strong> meet<br />

with the leaders. They were a very peaceful <strong>and</strong> reasonable group, headed by an<br />

Albanian-American physician from Texas. I told them very honestly that Kosovo was not<br />

73

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