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ambassador rudolf v. perina - Association for Diplomatic Studies and ...

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PERINA: Well, the Europeans were still talking about finding a solution but in fact they<br />

were doing very little. The whole European Union ef<strong>for</strong>t largely collapsed. One of the<br />

reasons, however, was that Milosevic did not really want to deal with the Europeans. He<br />

on occasion saw the British Chargé d’Affaires Ivar Roberts, but otherwise he made no<br />

ef<strong>for</strong>t to engage with the Europeans. He told us that he wanted to resolve the conflict with<br />

the Americans because only we were objective toward all the parties <strong>and</strong> did not have<br />

favorites, in the way that, <strong>for</strong> example, the Germans favored the Croats. He said that only<br />

we were fair <strong>and</strong> could be trusted. There was, of course, a lot of flattery in this. I think<br />

Milosevic also assumed that if he made a deal with the Americans, the Europeans would<br />

all follow, <strong>and</strong> he was correct in this. An interesting side point is how he denigrated the<br />

Russians in discussions with us. He did have meetings with the Russian Ambassador, <strong>and</strong><br />

the Russians were the most vocal international supporters of Serbia. That is why they had<br />

an <strong>ambassador</strong> <strong>and</strong> not a chargé d’affaires—they had no qualms in giving Serbia<br />

diplomatic recognition. But when I asked Milosevic about his dealings with the Russians,<br />

he would say, “The Russians are useless. They’ve got their own problems. They’re not<br />

doing anything. They can’t help in this.”<br />

The Russian position was also interesting. I met a few times with the Russian<br />

Ambassador, who was not a particularly friendly fellow <strong>and</strong> did not have much contact<br />

with the rest of the diplomatic corps. Clearly, the Russians had some agenda in the region<br />

but they were very weak <strong>and</strong> had just lost their empire. They could not be expected to<br />

play a powerful role. But what was interesting was how they often misread the situation<br />

in the Balkans. Putting their money on almost full support of Milosevic was not a way to<br />

gain influence in the region. And later, the Russians completely misread <strong>and</strong><br />

underestimated the problem of Kosovo, though many other Europeans did that as well.<br />

Q: Was there much contact between your Embassy in Belgrade <strong>and</strong> the U.S. Embassy in<br />

Zagreb?<br />

PERINA: Not very much, frankly. We read each other’s cables but did not coordinate in<br />

any special fashion. I did communicate on occasion with Peter Galbraith when he became<br />

the Ambassador to Croatia. We met at one of the Department’s chief of mission<br />

meetings, <strong>and</strong> I in fact invited him to visit Belgrade, which he did <strong>and</strong> he met Milosevic.<br />

Then we were together quite a bit in Dayton. I think he did a very good job in Zagreb <strong>and</strong><br />

respect him <strong>for</strong> holding the Croats to account <strong>for</strong> the expulsion of the Serbs from Krajina.<br />

It took courage to do that, <strong>and</strong> Peter did do it.<br />

Q: Did you ever run across Mrs. Milosevic who was a power in her own way?<br />

PERINA: She certainly was, <strong>and</strong> she was much talked about <strong>for</strong> her alleged influence<br />

over Milosevic. She was also joked about as a bit of a kook <strong>and</strong> dragon lady combined. I<br />

never in my two <strong>and</strong> one half years there met her. I don’t think I even saw her. But I did<br />

get the sense that Milosevic was really close to her, <strong>and</strong> that she really did have a lot of<br />

influence over him. He had pictures of her in his office. They stood out in what was<br />

otherwise almost a barren room.<br />

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