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ambassador rudolf v. perina - Association for Diplomatic Studies and ...

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PERINA: This was an issue because of the growing role of the European Union within<br />

the OSCE. When I first started working in the CSCE, there was the NATO caucus <strong>and</strong><br />

that was it. There would be a meeting of the NATO countries prior to CSCE sessions,<br />

they would decide on strategy <strong>and</strong> approach, <strong>and</strong> that was the limit of Western<br />

coordination. Gradually, however, the EU countries decided that they should be meeting<br />

as well, <strong>and</strong> an EU caucus developed parallel to the NATO caucus. By the end of my<br />

tour, there was a clear rivalry beginning to develop between the two <strong>and</strong> an institutional<br />

problem as well. The problem was this: the EU caucus would usually meet prior to the<br />

NATO caucus <strong>and</strong> try to develop a common strategy among EU countries. Sometimes<br />

this was a grueling process that took many hours. At the end, they would emerge with a<br />

fragile consensus <strong>and</strong> go to the NATO caucus <strong>and</strong> not be in a position to be very flexible.<br />

In effect, the U.S. would get a fait accompli in whatever the EU had decided. The U.S.<br />

would not necessarily accept the EU conclusions, <strong>and</strong> then there would be a st<strong>and</strong>off<br />

between the EU <strong>and</strong> the non-EU countries, primarily the U.S., within the NATO caucus.<br />

There was steadily growing tension between the EU <strong>and</strong> the U.S. because of this<br />

problem.<br />

Q: How did you feel the role of France in particular but also of Germany in this<br />

dynamic?<br />

PERINA: France was always France, <strong>and</strong> France was always difficult to deal with in the<br />

OSCE. They had some good <strong>ambassador</strong>s there but still they took the French position of<br />

generally trying to diminish the U.S. role <strong>and</strong> to increase the profile of the Europeans.<br />

They were the moving <strong>for</strong>ce, I think, in getting the European Union to play a more<br />

independent role through its caucus. The Germans at that time were still very much<br />

dependent on the United States. This was, after all, the time when the negotiations on<br />

reunification of Germany were beginning, very sensitive negotiations in which the U.S.<br />

played a central role. So the Germans often tried to bridge differences between the U.S.<br />

<strong>and</strong> the EU.<br />

Q: What about the role of the Turks <strong>and</strong> the Greeks?<br />

PERINA: It was very predictable that at almost every CSCE meeting there would be a<br />

confrontation between Turkey <strong>and</strong> Greece as well as Cyprus regarding the Cypriot<br />

question. Very often, Cyprus would threaten to withhold consensus on a document<br />

because of this issue, but at the end it always relented. It was a periodic ritual that the<br />

delegations had to go through, <strong>and</strong> it always prolonged meetings though usually it did not<br />

disrupt them. Most other delegates went <strong>for</strong> coffee breaks when these three delegations<br />

started to speak.<br />

Toward the end of my time in Vienna, after the Soviet Union actually disintegrated, there<br />

was another interesting dynamic in the OSCE, <strong>and</strong> that was deciding whether all of the<br />

<strong>for</strong>mer republics of the USSR should become members of the organization. The OSCE<br />

was by definition a European <strong>and</strong> trans-Atlantic organization, <strong>and</strong> many of the newlyindependent<br />

states, particularly the “stans,” were in Asia. There was a certain debate<br />

within the U.S. Government about whether all these Asian states should be admitted. In<br />

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