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ambassador rudolf v. perina - Association for Diplomatic Studies and ...

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PERINA: I would say in the CSCE they were playing the normal game. None of the<br />

Eastern delegations suspected that the collapse of the Warsaw Pact was coming. No one<br />

expected it. The Soviets were a little easier to deal with because of Gorbachev <strong>and</strong><br />

perestroika but the East Germans, <strong>for</strong> example, were very hard-line. The Hungarians<br />

were the easiest to deal with, <strong>and</strong> the Poles were mixed. No one sensed that anything<br />

significant was imminent.<br />

Q: The Czechs were pretty hard-line, weren’t they?<br />

PERINA: Oh, yes. They were quite hard-line. But the worst were the East Germans. One<br />

story on the many ironies of this period. We had a rotating chairmanship in the CSCE at<br />

that time. Different delegations would take turns chairing every meeting of the Permanent<br />

Council. By coincidence, I was the acting head of the U.S. delegation <strong>and</strong> in the chair on<br />

the day that the two Germanys merged. This is jumping ahead a little bit. It was toward<br />

the end of my assignment in Vienna but on the day that we took the GDR nameplate off<br />

the table <strong>and</strong> East Germany disappeared <strong>and</strong> West Germany took over. It was remarkable<br />

because on the same day the East German Ambassador, or rather <strong>for</strong>mer Ambassador,<br />

since the country no longer existed, asked to meet with me. He knew I had worked in<br />

West Berlin, <strong>and</strong> he asked if there was any chance of getting employment with the U.S.<br />

Mission in Berlin as an expert on East Germany <strong>and</strong> on a reintegration process. This was<br />

the man who <strong>for</strong> the previous two years had always been the harshest critic of the U.S.,<br />

the West <strong>and</strong> West Germany. But clearly he was desperate. German Foreign Minister<br />

Genscher, as you know, made the decision that every East German diplomat would be<br />

fired. There was not a single one that was integrated into the West German Foreign<br />

Ministry, <strong>and</strong> they were all out of work. But knowing what this Ambassador had been<br />

saying about us <strong>and</strong> the West Germans over the previous two years, it was hard to feel<br />

sorry <strong>for</strong> him.<br />

Q: Were you dealing with issues like freedom of movement, freedom of the press <strong>and</strong> that<br />

sort of thing during your time in Vienna?<br />

PERINA: Not in the CSBM negotiations, which were pretty technical <strong>and</strong> concerned<br />

things like observation of military maneuvers <strong>and</strong> so on, but certainly that was the case in<br />

the CSCE <strong>and</strong> OSCE. Toward the end of my tour, our delegation really had two parallel<br />

negotiations going, <strong>and</strong> the broader CSCE/OSCE ones were the more interesting <strong>and</strong><br />

productive. Ironically, the CFE talks, which had been Washington’s primary focus when<br />

I arrived in Vienna, really found themselves in a lot of confusion when the Warsaw Pact<br />

came apart because they had been premised on negotiations between the two military<br />

blocs. Many things were just turned upside down in those three years. But you are right<br />

that in the OSCE context we became very much involved in human rights issues. I<br />

remember dealing with the overthrow of Ceausescu in Romania, the beginning of the<br />

Yugoslav crisis, all of these things started bubbling up.<br />

Q: How was the working relationship with the Western Europeans?<br />

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