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ambassador rudolf v. perina - Association for Diplomatic Studies and ...

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phrases “Open this gate, tear down this wall.” Rather, the Department objected to saying<br />

“Mr. Gorbachev.” They did not want to personalize the words to Gorbachev in fear that<br />

this would be a direct challenge <strong>and</strong> target him in front of all the Kremlin hardliners.<br />

Generally, we in the NSC thought the State Department was being unduly cautious, as is<br />

often its reputation. Ultimately, the issue went to President Reagan, <strong>and</strong> he decided to<br />

keep “Mr. Gorbachev.” The world did not come to an end, <strong>and</strong>, as you know, the speech<br />

is now one of Reagan’s most famous ones. But I quickly learned how working on the<br />

NSC could put me at odds with colleagues in the State Department.<br />

Q: After the Iran Contra affair, was there a feeling in the NSC that things had to be done<br />

differently than be<strong>for</strong>e? Was there a sense that we really got into a mess <strong>and</strong> cannot let<br />

this happen again?<br />

PERINA: There was a sense of a new beginning because of the many personnel changes<br />

<strong>and</strong> the new leadership of Frank Carlucci <strong>and</strong> Colin Powell. It was really a very different<br />

institution from the one be<strong>for</strong>e, <strong>and</strong> it was assumed that the Poindexter/Ollie North era<br />

was past. I think we were <strong>for</strong>tunate in that a very good team came in. Carlucci was a good<br />

administrator, <strong>and</strong> Colin Powell was, I think, an outst<strong>and</strong>ing leader. It confirmed my view<br />

that the military does much better than the State Department in teaching leadership <strong>and</strong><br />

management skills. In part, this is because most FSO’s have very little opportunity to<br />

manage <strong>and</strong> supervise others until at least the mid-career level, whereas in the military<br />

one is both subordinate <strong>and</strong> supervisor almost from the beginning. Even in the military,<br />

of course, Powell was far above the norm <strong>and</strong> an outst<strong>and</strong>ing leader. He knew how to<br />

keep up morale <strong>and</strong> supervise without micromanaging. So I think even the people who<br />

were holdovers from the Poindexter era recognized that this was a new NSC that would<br />

be run differently. In the job I took I replaced Paula Dobriansky, a political appointee<br />

who went on to senior jobs in the State Department.<br />

Q: You had the Soviet portfolio on the staff?<br />

PERINA: Basically, yes. The Senior Director of the office when I arrived was also a<br />

Soviet expert, Fritz Ermarth, but I did the working-level issues of which there were many<br />

concerning the Soviet Union. Ermarth left after about a year <strong>and</strong> was replaced by his<br />

deputy, Nelson Ledsky, who was not a trained Soviet expert. So I took on more of the<br />

portfolio in the office <strong>and</strong> became the primary Soviet person.<br />

Q: Let's take it when you arrived. You had been away from the Soviet Union since 1981.<br />

You had been on the periphery of Soviet issues but now you were directly involved again.<br />

How did you see the Soviet Union when you arrived at the NSC in 1987, as opposed to<br />

when you left Moscow?<br />

PERINA: When I arrived at the NSC there was a big ongoing debate within the<br />

government on trying to interpret Gorbachev, trying to underst<strong>and</strong> if he was a genuine<br />

re<strong>for</strong>mer or just playing a very sophisticated game. The opinion was divided. Some<br />

people thought he was a genuine re<strong>for</strong>mer, while others thought he was playing us <strong>and</strong><br />

we had to be very wary of the guy.<br />

45

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