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The Fate of Western Hungary 1918-1921 - Corvinus Library ...

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ecognized Austria’s independence and Austria <strong>Hungary</strong>’s without raising<br />

the border issue at all?”<br />

Wilson: “I repeat, I have been informed that the problem has been raised by<br />

the Austrian side.”<br />

A long debate started after the president’s final comment, at the end <strong>of</strong><br />

which they finally agreed to the following: “Austria is urged to recognize the<br />

border in existence since 1869 (actually 1867—J.B.) between it and <strong>Hungary</strong><br />

and, if any disagreement arises over it between the two countries, then the<br />

Allied and Associated Powers will address the question, as needed.” 183<br />

As is now known, the “any disagreement arising” was eventually raised to<br />

such a level that border “adjustment” was required in the western area <strong>of</strong><br />

<strong>Hungary</strong>. Davis Hunter Miller did not record how all this came to pass or later,<br />

how the victors were forced to redress somewhat the injustices performed by<br />

the Sopron plebiscite. He only recorded that the recommendation <strong>of</strong> the four<br />

border adjustment committees (<strong>The</strong> Czechs, Romanians, South Slavs and<br />

Austrians) was unanimously accepted by the Council <strong>of</strong> Foreign Ministers. In<br />

the end, the notes and memoranda submitted by the Hungarian peace<br />

delegation, which rebutted with facts and figures the deluge <strong>of</strong> border claims<br />

based on false and skewed facts, the decision makers did not even deign to<br />

read. <strong>Hungary</strong>’s new borders were submitted to a full session <strong>of</strong> the highest<br />

body <strong>of</strong> the peace conference as the decision <strong>of</strong> the Entente’s foreign ministers<br />

for the purpose <strong>of</strong> entering the terms into the future treaty with <strong>Hungary</strong>. Before<br />

it was done, however, perhaps to assuage their consciences, British Prime<br />

Minister David Lloyd George expressed an interest at the last minute how<br />

Austria and <strong>Hungary</strong> may be ensured free access to the seas, which their<br />

artificial borders precluded. <strong>The</strong> suggestion was supported by Italian prime<br />

Minister Orlando and US President Wilson, who wished to ‘guarantee’ for both<br />

countries possibilities and protection in this regard. A four-member<br />

subcommittee was formed (the 179 th <strong>of</strong> the peace conference) which, in<br />

cooperation with the sub-committee <strong>of</strong> ports, waterways and railway matters,<br />

attempted to create, on paper, sea access for the two countries. After amicable<br />

discussion, they were unable to ensure ‘guaranteed’ access to a sea for either<br />

<strong>Hungary</strong> or Austria.<br />

Hungarian public opinion and the highest levels <strong>of</strong> government were deeply<br />

disturbed by the unrestrained behavior <strong>of</strong> their former ally and partner country.<br />

Sensing this, the Austrian government – while the Hungarian delegation<br />

continued to dispute Austria’s claims to <strong>Western</strong> <strong>Hungary</strong> – looked for support<br />

to strengthen its foreign policy subsequent to the Saint-Germain treaty.<br />

Chancellor Renner and Foreign Minister Beneš signed a secret agreement on<br />

January 12, 1920 in Prague. <strong>The</strong> agreement stipulated that, in the case <strong>of</strong> an<br />

attack on either country, mutual assistance – including military – was to be<br />

extended to the other. <strong>The</strong> agreement also <strong>of</strong>fered assurances to Austria in<br />

recognizing its right to Westungarn. <strong>The</strong> Hungarian paper, Az Újság, printed<br />

183 Ibid, pp. 35-36.<br />

80

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