The Fate of Western Hungary 1918-1921 - Corvinus Library ...
The Fate of Western Hungary 1918-1921 - Corvinus Library ... The Fate of Western Hungary 1918-1921 - Corvinus Library ...
In the Fall of 1918, there was still not a word of Burgenland as that, as Austria’s ninth federated province, only came into being later, on January 1, 1922. Its boundaries were finalized in the same year by the Council of the League of Nations. Hence, Burgenland did not exist before 1922 in a historical, geographic, political or legal sense. This author does not refer to this political aggregation called today as Burgenland when looking back to the Trianon Treaty, the Sopron plebiscite and the border drawn after boundary adjustments, or previous centuries. The decades and centuries before 1922, Austrian politics (and ideology), historiography, ethnography and other sciences consistently refer to the former western Hungarian territory sharing the Austrian-Hungarian border as Burgenland. This is historically inaccurate, a twisting of the facts and a crude falsification. 31 It s important to note that, in recent decades, – and some even today – numerous Hungarian historians, ethnographers and other scientists slavishly use the term ‘Burgenland’ when talking about the pre-1922 events of Moson, Sopron and Vas counties, even going back to centuries ago. To return to the events of the day: on December 2, 1918, Austrian army officers drove to Szentmargitbánya, a small community on the shore of Lake Fertő. There, they “hastily assembled the miners from the quarry, made all manner of rosy promises to them, and got them to exclaim their desire to separate from Hungary. Next, they fired up the mob to go to the next town of Ruszt, chase away the (Hungarian) authorities and declare there too their wish of joining with Austria. Some part of the mob started out but broke up at the edge of the village and turned back.” 32 Delighted by its seeming success, the Westungarische Kanzlei decided to distribute weapons among the German-speaking population of western Hungary for the purpose of an insurrection, to enable it to wrest, by force of arms, the marked-for-appropriation Hungarian territories. Each shipment of arms, 31 According to the leading figure of post-WWII Austrian ethnography, Leopold Schmidt (1912–1981), ‘Burgenland’ has been much more a part of Lower Austria’s culture since the end of the Turkish period than of Hungary’s. [Hungary was reconquered from Turkish occupation in 1686-ed.] A three-volume book published between the wars (fourth published in 1959), purporting to be the definitive bibliography of ‘Burgenland,’ traced the borders created in 1922 back to 1800. See, Litschauer, G. Franz: Bibliographie zur Geschichte, Landes- und Volkskunde des Burgenlandes 1800–1929. Vols. 1–3, Linz–Wels, 1933–1938. Vol. 4, Eisenstadt, 1959. It was in regard to the three-volume Litschauer bibliography that Károly Mollay (1913- 1997), linguist, Germanophile wrote in 1939 that: “…I pointed out that purposeful work of the Germans, through which they wish to intellectually appropriate the history of not only ‘Burgenland’ but all of western Hungary. Since then, the expropriation of Hungarian intellectual achievements was begun with seemingly amazing planning. It is this direction that Litschauer’s book serves. His title promises a book on Burgenland but his Burgenland includes Körmend, Vasvár, Szombathely, Sopron and Pozsony, too, with every Magyar element of our culture. In any case, it is strange to find such thesis shift in a scientific work but, beyond the political objective, we must also admit to Litschauer’s great scientific achievement.” In: Soproni Szemle, 1939, issues 1–2, p 91. 32 Gagyi, op. cit., p. 6. 18
accompanied by an Austrian military escort, was sent to the border crossing railway station of Wiener Neustadt, from there on to Lajtaújfalu and the county seat, Nagymarton. At the same time, it tried to fulfill another goal: to acquire (rob) foodstuffs for the starving capital, Vienna, and its surrounding Austrian population. The reason for this was that the people of Vienna and of the surrounding industrial zone have, for decades past, took it as natural that Hungarian agricultural produce would be available to them. They “visited the weekly farmers markets in Sopron and took home whatever struck their fancy. This now [due to the declaration of an independent Hungary] ceased, the [Hungarian] border guards ruthlessly confiscated all foods, contributing to the spread of anti-Hungarian hatred among Austrians, but especially among Hungarian citizens living in Vienna and their relatives in Hungary. Thus, the agitation found fertile soil on both sides of the border. They voiced nationalistic slogans but thought of their stomachs. Official circles viewed with dismay that the feeding of Austria was impossible without Hungary and, as an independent country – no longer an Austrian dependency – they tried to appropriate a portion [of western Hungary] to feed Vienna. 33 On the morning of December 5, an Austrian military truck pulled into the Hungarian border settlement of Lajtaújfalu, beside the Sopron-Vienna railway tracks. On it were eight non-coms under the command of Lt. Franz Temmer, formerly a schoolteacher in Wiener Neustadt. The intruders cut the telephone wires, disarmed the border guards and surrounded the barracks of the gendarmerie. However, the Hungarian railway security detail attacked them and, after a short firefight, captured the Austrian unit and their equipment. This prevented them from handing out the 300 Mannlicher (5-shot) repeating rifles and large amount of ammunition on the truck earmarked for the Austrian workers who were hurrying on foot to Lajtaújfalu. 34 The lieutenant and his followers were arrested. At the Sopron police station, Temmer made a statement that Captain Mühlhofer, commander of the Wiener Neustadt Home Guard, ordered the occupation of Lajtaújfalu. The event stirred up a lot of dust. The Austrian authorities offered in their defense that the illegal incursion into Hungarian territory was the act of an overzealous army officer. However, the fact is that, on the same December 5, messengers appeared in the German-speaking settlements of Sopron County, handing out the pamphlets of the Viennese Westungarische Kanzlei. The flyers informed the residents that on the same afternoon, the independent Heanzenland Republic will be proclaimed in Sopron to unite all the German populated areas of Westungarn. Although such an event did not occur, the evening editions of Viennese newspapers carried the official announcement of the Westungarische Kanzlei. It stated that the representatives of the German settlements of Western Hungary 33 Ibid. 34 Fogarassy, László: A nyugat-magyarországi kérdés katonai története [The military history of the Western Hungary question]. Part I. 1918, December – 1921, August. In: Soproni Szemle, Year XXV, 1971, issue 4, p. 291. 19
- Page 1 and 2: The Fate of Western Hungary 1918-19
- Page 3 and 4: CONTENTS Foreword………………
- Page 5 and 6: contemplate - no matter how the cra
- Page 7 and 8: declaration.” 3 The basis for the
- Page 9 and 10: 1918, in its second edition. 8 ) Ge
- Page 11 and 12: of President Woodrow Wilson’s 14
- Page 13 and 14: assessed from this perspective.”
- Page 15 and 16: agreement regarding the delivery of
- Page 17: goal was to organize, in advance, t
- Page 21 and 22: The reasons for the minuscule milit
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- Page 25 and 26: counties. The Romanian Army advanci
- Page 27 and 28: were made up of about 20,000 armed
- Page 29 and 30: The tacit support by the Austrian g
- Page 31 and 32: addressed a memorandum 63 to Prime
- Page 33 and 34: county directorates published their
- Page 35 and 36: with its seat in Sopron. It brought
- Page 37 and 38: The later name of ‘Burgenland,’
- Page 39 and 40: the representatives of Romania, Cze
- Page 41 and 42: Romanians, in like manner, wanted t
- Page 43 and 44: 191,000 (13.5%) Slavs would have be
- Page 45 and 46: committee of the Peace Conference u
- Page 47 and 48: to a rejection of the Anschluss (un
- Page 49 and 50: Pozsony County and, in the Paris Pe
- Page 51 and 52: István Széchenyi (1791-1860) and
- Page 53 and 54: and consultation of the affected po
- Page 55 and 56: Also significant was the trade in p
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accompanied by an Austrian military escort, was sent to the border crossing<br />
railway station <strong>of</strong> Wiener Neustadt, from there on to Lajtaújfalu and the county<br />
seat, Nagymarton. At the same time, it tried to fulfill another goal: to acquire<br />
(rob) foodstuffs for the starving capital, Vienna, and its surrounding Austrian<br />
population. <strong>The</strong> reason for this was that the people <strong>of</strong> Vienna and <strong>of</strong> the<br />
surrounding industrial zone have, for decades past, took it as natural that<br />
Hungarian agricultural produce would be available to them. <strong>The</strong>y “visited the<br />
weekly farmers markets in Sopron and took home whatever struck their fancy.<br />
This now [due to the declaration <strong>of</strong> an independent <strong>Hungary</strong>] ceased, the<br />
[Hungarian] border guards ruthlessly confiscated all foods, contributing to the<br />
spread <strong>of</strong> anti-Hungarian hatred among Austrians, but especially among<br />
Hungarian citizens living in Vienna and their relatives in <strong>Hungary</strong>. Thus, the<br />
agitation found fertile soil on both sides <strong>of</strong> the border. <strong>The</strong>y voiced nationalistic<br />
slogans but thought <strong>of</strong> their stomachs. Official circles viewed with dismay that<br />
the feeding <strong>of</strong> Austria was impossible without <strong>Hungary</strong> and, as an independent<br />
country – no longer an Austrian dependency – they tried to appropriate a<br />
portion [<strong>of</strong> western <strong>Hungary</strong>] to feed Vienna. 33<br />
On the morning <strong>of</strong> December 5, an Austrian military truck pulled into the<br />
Hungarian border settlement <strong>of</strong> Lajtaújfalu, beside the Sopron-Vienna railway<br />
tracks. On it were eight non-coms under the command <strong>of</strong> Lt. Franz Temmer,<br />
formerly a schoolteacher in Wiener Neustadt. <strong>The</strong> intruders cut the telephone<br />
wires, disarmed the border guards and surrounded the barracks <strong>of</strong> the<br />
gendarmerie. However, the Hungarian railway security detail attacked them<br />
and, after a short firefight, captured the Austrian unit and their equipment. This<br />
prevented them from handing out the 300 Mannlicher (5-shot) repeating rifles<br />
and large amount <strong>of</strong> ammunition on the truck earmarked for the Austrian<br />
workers who were hurrying on foot to Lajtaújfalu. 34 <strong>The</strong> lieutenant and his<br />
followers were arrested. At the Sopron police station, Temmer made a<br />
statement that Captain Mühlh<strong>of</strong>er, commander <strong>of</strong> the Wiener Neustadt Home<br />
Guard, ordered the occupation <strong>of</strong> Lajtaújfalu. <strong>The</strong> event stirred up a lot <strong>of</strong> dust.<br />
<strong>The</strong> Austrian authorities <strong>of</strong>fered in their defense that the illegal incursion into<br />
Hungarian territory was the act <strong>of</strong> an overzealous army <strong>of</strong>ficer.<br />
However, the fact is that, on the same December 5, messengers appeared in<br />
the German-speaking settlements <strong>of</strong> Sopron County, handing out the pamphlets<br />
<strong>of</strong> the Viennese Westungarische Kanzlei. <strong>The</strong> flyers informed the residents that<br />
on the same afternoon, the independent Heanzenland Republic will be<br />
proclaimed in Sopron to unite all the German populated areas <strong>of</strong> Westungarn.<br />
Although such an event did not occur, the evening editions <strong>of</strong> Viennese<br />
newspapers carried the <strong>of</strong>ficial announcement <strong>of</strong> the Westungarische Kanzlei. It<br />
stated that the representatives <strong>of</strong> the German settlements <strong>of</strong> <strong>Western</strong> <strong>Hungary</strong><br />
33 Ibid.<br />
34 Fogarassy, László: A nyugat-magyarországi kérdés katonai története [<strong>The</strong> military<br />
history <strong>of</strong> the <strong>Western</strong> <strong>Hungary</strong> question]. Part I. <strong>1918</strong>, December – <strong>1921</strong>, August. In:<br />
Soproni Szemle, Year XXV, 1971, issue 4, p. 291.<br />
19