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64 Fisheries catch reconstructions: Islands, Part II. Harper and Zeller The colonial period In 1888, Germany annexed the island as part of the Marshall Islands Protectorate. At the turn of the century, a British company discovered phosphate, and mining for the deposits began in 1906. Immigration to the island, starting with the European influx during the colonial period (between 1889 and 1913), followed by migrant workers to labour in the phosphate mining operation, changed the island’s traditional make-up. These immigration patterns were linked to the mining developments of the Nauru Phosphate Corporation (NPC), yet were also relevant to the island’s fishing capacity and history. Initially, workers were brought to the island from other German-administered Micronesian islands, as well as New Guinea and China. Later, when Australia took control of the island in 1914, an increasing number of Chinese labourers were hired, and by 1939 their numbers (1,512) nearly equalled those of the native Nauruan population (1,733). This demographic make-up did not change until, during World War II, the Japanese occupiers of the island forcibly exiled Nauruans to Truk, where nearly 500 of them died (Underwood, 1989). At the start of the 1950s, virtually every able-bodied Nauruan adult male was gainfully employed both and once again began to receive their respective phosphate mining royalty payments. This enabled the inhabitants to purchase imported foods as well as improving their living conditions (Viviani, 1970). This purchasing power brought on numerous changes in the structure of the island population, differentiating it from other Pacific islands. Independence At the time of its independence in 1966, Nauru had attained an economic status similar to that of rich oilproducing countries of the Middle East (Underwood, 1989; Vunisea et al., 2008). This in turn increased the immigration of labourers to the island to compensate for the growing number of retiring Nauruan nationals (Figure 2). The population is largely concentrated along a narrow coastal strip. Most of the nonnative Pacific islanders (largely from Kiribati and Tuvalu) that worked for the Nauru Phosphate Corporation (NPC) were also at least part-time fishers (Underwood, 1989; Dalzell and Debao, 1994). Nauru’s economic prosperity translated into profound cultural changes. This was also reflected in the diet, not only in terms of dietary preferences, but also in the means by which dietary goods were acquired. Until the mid 1980s, the majority of fishing was done by the non-Nauruan Pacific islanders. Nonetheless, the economic decline that occurred in the early 1990s, following the downscaling of phosphate production, reduced the population’s ability to purchase high-valued fish, and contributed to the subsequent emigration of non native fishers from the island. The development and management of the marine resources within the Republic of Nauru falls under the jurisdiction of the Nauru Fisheries and Marine Resources Authority (NFMRA). The NFMRA does not enforce the reporting of catches or issue any fishing quotas. Marine resources are open access, and records of catches are sparse (Dalzell and Debao, 1994). The NFMRA attempted to pursue industrial-scale fisheries by purchasing two purse-seine vessels. However, one ship was lost at sea, while the other was used sparsely due to inadequate fishing gear, and was subsequently sold. The aim of the present study was to gather available information on fisheries catches and fishing practices to reconstruct Nauru’s total fisheries catches for the period 1950-2008. The catch reconstruction approach used here is based on the approach developed by Zeller et al. (2006; 2007). METHODS At present, small scale marine fisheries in Nauru can be separated into two categories: 1) Subsistence fisheries, dominated by coastal reef fisheries, beach seining and reef gleaning (mainly by women [Chapman, 1987]), are known to be traditional fishing methods practiced throughout the

Fisheries catch reconstructions: Islands, Part II. Harper and Zeller 65 Pacific islands (Gillett, 2003). I-Kiribati, Tuvaluan and Nauruan fishers commonly operate outboard powered boats ranging from 3–7 m in size, using trolling and shallow-water bottom handlining as their main fishing methods. Some Nauruans carry out spear fishing equipped with scuba gear. This type of fishing may also be done at night, using battery powered flashlights (Chapman, 1998). These coastal fishing activities do overlap with commercial fisheries, if part of the catch is sold; and 2) Commercial fisheries, using fishing methods such as mid-water handlining and drop stone fishing, targeting offshore tunas and other pelagics (Gillett, 2003). The fishers involved in this type of fishery are generally Nauru Phosphate Corporation (NPC) workers from Tuvalu and Kiribati who fish whenoff from work. This fishing is often concentrated around the NPC’s mooring buoys used for phosphate vessels that act as Fish Aggregation Devices (FADs) (Chapman, 1998). Data sources Human population Human population numbers (1950-2008) were derived with assistance from G. Beccalossi; Programme Assistant at the Demography and Statistics division of the Secretariat of the Pacific Community (SPC), complemented with data from UN databases 2 and work by Underwood (1989). Every decade had at least one demographic composition anchor point, with linear interpolations performed between anchor points (Figure 2). Catch data Data estimates of fisheries catches, and used here as anchor points, were obtained from Dalzell and Debao (1994), Gillett and Lightfoot (2002), Vunisea et al. (2008), as well as Bell et al. (2009), for the period between 1991 and 2008. Linear interpolations were used for time periods between anchor points. To reconstruct the 1950-1990 times series, we assumed that the per capita consumption rate for 1950 was twice the 1991 per capita catch rate of 45 kg∙person ­1∙year -1 for Nauru, taken from Dalzell and Debao (1994). Hence, we assumed a consumption rate of 90 kg∙person ­1∙year -1 for 1950. We also assumed negligible seafood imports for 1950. Nauruans, like most Pacific islanders, have traditionally relied on fish as a main protein source (Petit-Skinner, 1981; Sokimi and Chapman, 2001) and the assumed 1950 rate is in line with other data for Micronesia (Bell et al., 2009). We linearly interpolated rates between 1950 and 1991 and derive total catch estimates in conjunction with population data (Figure 2). For the 1990s, Gillett and Lightfoot (2002) estimated offshore and domestic commercial landings (accounting for approximately 77% of domestic supply) as well as subsistence catches (23%; Table 1). In addition, they documented offshore pelagic catches of around 41,000 t, taken by foreign vessels in the late 1990s. This breakdown by fishing sector provides a proxy for local per capita catch rates as well as domestically sourced consumption rates. Domestic fish landings were estimated based on coastal catch 2 United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs Population Division: http://www.un.org/esa/population/ [Accessed: February 2010] Population (10 3 ) 12 10 8 6 4 2 0 Non Pacific islanders Pacific islanders Nauruans 1950 1960 1970 1980 Year 1990 2000 Figure 2. Population composition of Nauru, 1950-2008. Table 1. Fishing sector estimates for late 1990s, used as anchor points, from Gillett and Lightfoot (2002). Fishing sector Catch (t) Coastal subsistence 110 Coastal commercial 315 Offshore locally based 50 Offshore foreign based 41,000 Total 41,475

Fisheries catch reconstructions: Islands, Part II. Harper and Zeller 65<br />

Pacific islands (Gillett, 2003). I-Kiribati, Tuvaluan and Nauruan fishers commonly operate outboard<br />

powered boats ranging from 3–7 m in size, using trolling and shallow-water bottom handlining as their<br />

main fishing methods. Some Nauruans carry out spear fishing equipped with scuba gear. This type of<br />

fishing may also be done at night, using battery powered flashlights (Chapman, 1998). These coastal<br />

fishing activities do overlap with commercial fisheries, if part of the catch is sold; and<br />

2) Commercial fisheries, using fishing methods such as mid-water handlining and drop stone fishing,<br />

targeting offshore tunas and other pelagics (Gillett, 2003). The fishers involved in this type of fishery<br />

are generally Nauru Phosphate Corporation (NPC) workers from Tuvalu and Kiribati who fish whenoff<br />

from work. This fishing is often concentrated around the NPC’s mooring buoys used for phosphate<br />

vessels that act as Fish Aggregation Devices (FADs) (Chapman, 1998).<br />

Data sources<br />

Human population<br />

Human population numbers (1950-2008)<br />

were derived with assistance from G.<br />

Beccalossi; Programme Assistant at the<br />

Demography and Statistics division of the<br />

Secretariat of the Pacific Community<br />

(SPC), complemented with data from UN<br />

databases 2 and work by Underwood<br />

(1989). Every decade had at least one<br />

demographic composition anchor point,<br />

with linear interpolations performed<br />

between anchor points (Figure 2).<br />

Catch data<br />

Data estimates of fisheries catches, and<br />

used here as anchor points, were obtained from Dalzell and Debao (1994), Gillett and Lightfoot (2002),<br />

Vunisea et al. (2008), as well as Bell et al. (2009), for the period between 1991 and 2008. Linear<br />

interpolations were used for time periods between anchor points.<br />

To reconstruct the 1950-1990 times series, we assumed that the per capita consumption rate for 1950 was<br />

twice the 1991 per capita catch rate of 45 kg∙person ­1∙year -1 for Nauru, taken from Dalzell and Debao<br />

(1994). Hence, we assumed a consumption rate of 90 kg∙person ­1∙year -1 for 1950. We also assumed<br />

negligible seafood imports for 1950. Nauruans, like<br />

most Pacific islanders, have traditionally relied on<br />

fish as a main protein source (Petit-Skinner, 1981;<br />

Sokimi and Chapman, 2001) and the assumed 1950<br />

rate is in line with other data for Micronesia (Bell et<br />

al., 2009). We linearly interpolated rates between<br />

1950 and 1991 and derive total catch estimates in<br />

conjunction with population data (Figure 2).<br />

For the 1990s, Gillett and Lightfoot (2002) estimated offshore and domestic commercial landings<br />

(accounting for approximately 77% of domestic supply) as well as subsistence catches (23%; Table 1). In<br />

addition, they documented offshore pelagic catches of around 41,000 t, taken by foreign vessels in the late<br />

1990s. This breakdown by fishing sector provides a proxy for local per capita catch rates as well as<br />

domestically sourced consumption rates. Domestic fish landings were estimated based on coastal catch<br />

2 United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs Population Division: http://www.un.org/esa/population/ [Accessed:<br />

February 2010]<br />

Population (10 3 )<br />

12<br />

10<br />

8<br />

6<br />

4<br />

2<br />

0<br />

Non Pacific islanders<br />

Pacific islanders<br />

Nauruans<br />

1950 1960 1970 1980<br />

Year<br />

1990 2000<br />

Figure 2. Population composition of Nauru, 1950-2008.<br />

Table 1. Fishing sector estimates for late 1990s, used as<br />

anchor points, from Gillett and Lightfoot (2002).<br />

Fishing sector Catch (t)<br />

Coastal subsistence 110<br />

Coastal commercial 315<br />

Offshore locally based 50<br />

Offshore foreign based 41,000<br />

Total 41,475

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