Century-of-Change-China-exhibit-catalog-1911-to-2011

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A Century of ChAnge
China 1911–2011
世紀之變–辛亥百年珍藏史料展
Hoover Institution,
Stanford University

A Century of Change: China 1911–2011
世紀之變–辛亥百年珍藏史料展

Contents
Pages 2-3
Preface
序言
Pages 7-8
IntroductIon and acknowledgments
謝辭
Pages 9-20
the emPIre and Its dIscontents
滿清傾覆前的局勢
Pages 21-32
reformers and revolutIonarIes
革命與立憲的對峙
Pages 33-42
the wuchang uPrIsIng and the fall of a dynasty
武昌起義與滿清覆亡
Pages 43-54
the BIrth of a rePuBlIc
民國肇建
Pages 55-68
the warlord era and the fIrst unIted front
軍閥割據與第一次國共合作
Pages 69-82
the sIno-JaPanese war and the second unIted front
對日抗戰與第二次國共合作
Pages 83-92
the cIvIl war and the dIvIded chIna Issue
國共內戰與兩岸分治
Pages 93-95
hoover's collectIng hIstory
百年來胡佛研究所的檔案收藏
A Century of Change: China 1911–2011
世紀之變–辛亥百年珍藏史料展
Hoover Institution Library and Archives
Hoover Institution
Stanford University

Preface
In the United States, one hundred years is a very long time; in the history of China, it is the blink of an eye.
Although relatively adolescent in the long scope of Chinese history, the one hundred years of the Chinese republic
are being commemorated by the Hoover Institution with a display of treasures and historical artifacts from the
Hoover Institution Archives. Although far from a definitive history of China’s last one hundred years, the exhibition,
A Century of Change: China 1911–2011, provides a glimpse of China from our collections.
The decision to mount this exhibition was not a hard one; there has long been a strong connection between Hoover
and China. At the turn of the twentieth century, President Herbert Hoover, the Institution’s founder, and his wife,
Lou Henry Hoover, lived and worked in China. While in China, President Hoover, never one to shy away from hard
work, immersed himself in the study of Mandarin and is said to be the only US president to speak Mandarin.
The Hoover Institution Archives is proud of its Chinese collections, which have expanded greatly in the last decade;
decisions on which materials to display, however, were difficult. Although much was left behind, we feel that the
exhibition and this catalog contain a representative sample of our holdings.
The exhibition includes vintage videos from Sun Yat-sen’s funeral, Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek’s and General
Joseph Stilwell’s original diaries, and the art of Huang Zhen from Mao’s Long March. In addition to the grand
historical images of China, less well known stories (those that make the Hoover Institution Archives unique) are
included—they complement and complete the history of the past one hundred years. We were sometimes surprised
in our research; for example, within the files of one collection were two seemingly innocuous pamphlets that, when
unfolded, revealed a nine-foot illustration of Sun Yat-sen’s 1929 state funeral procession and a rare map depicting
the procession route of his sarcophagus through Beijing.
The catalog and the exhibition commemorate, in a small way, what the Chinese people have accomplished and
acknowledge the work of the scores of curators, scholars, students, soldiers, travelers, friends, and donors who have
helped the Hoover Institution Archives document China’s history for the scores of scholars who will follow.
We all owe a great debt of gratitude to the Hoover Institution Archives Asian curators Lisa Nguyen and Hsiao-ting Lin,
who selected the material for the exhibition and tirelessly worked their way through thousands of ephemera to select
those that you see. Nick Siekierski, Hoover’s exhibition coordinator, lent his experienced eye to help determine what
best characterizes Hoover’s collections. Li Wang’s translations make this truly a joint Chinese-American endeavor.
The republic’s founding predates the founding of the Hoover Institution; we expect the republic to endure and the
Hoover Institution to endure. For our part, we will continue to collect materials related to Chinese history, politics,
and culture and continue to look to China as a friend and partner as we plan for the two hundredth anniversary of
the founding of the republic.”
Richard Sousa
Director of the Hoover Institution Library and Archives
4 Hoover Institution
A Century of Change: China 1911–2011
序言
一百年的長度,對美國歷史而言,是一段不小的進程,然而對具有數千年歷史的中國而言,卻只是彈指瞬間,與
中國的歷史巨流相比,美國顯得相對年輕。儘管如此,史丹佛大學胡佛研究所極其榮幸,能以「世紀之變:辛亥
百年珍藏史料展」為題,以胡佛檔案館所藏之珍貴史料與文物,來紀念辛亥革命與民國肇建一百周年。
此次舉辦展覽,實情理之中之事; 2011 年是中國近代史上的一個重要里程碑,而本研究所的創始者、美國第三
十一任總統胡佛,與中國之間又有著極為深厚的聯結;十九世紀的最後數年歲月裡,甫自史丹佛大學畢業不久的
胡佛,偕其夫人露亨利,前往中國天津工作與生活,並曾遇上庚子拳亂。在華期間,胡佛夫婦辛勤工作,並努力
學習中文,據知,胡佛也是迄今唯一一位會說中文的美國總統,他在天津時努力學習中文的照片,也在此次展覽
中陳列出來。
胡佛檔案館向來對近代中國深厚與豐富的史料收藏,引以為豪,過去十年來,我們在這方面更有著極大的突破。
受限於展覽空間有限,展出史料與文物的挑選,反成了困難之事。本次展覽,我們致力於呈現近代中國社會、政
治、文化與藝術等豐富面向,以及其歷史變遷,儘管獲選展出的材料僅占胡佛整體館藏的一小部分,我們仍希望
透過此次展覽與目錄集的出版,讓世人瞭解胡佛近代中國館藏的廣度、深度與多樣性。
此次展覽與目錄出版,雖然無法精細與完整地涵蓋中國過去百年來的歷史滄桑,然而透過精心策劃的史料展覽,
我們依然得以讓世人對於這段歷史,領略一二:我們展出了廣為人所知、卻鮮為人所見的孫中山奉安典禮完整記
錄片,我們也展出蔣介石與史迪威將軍的日記原件、與紅軍長征時期黃鎮的素描畫作等等。籌備此次展覽的過程
中,有時會出現意外的驚喜與發現。例如,我們在某一份私人檔案裡,有兩份乍看並不起眼的小冊子,打開後赫
然發現一份是一極為罕見的地圖,描繪了 1929 年 北京城內孫中山的移靈路線,另一份則是同年所發行、九尺大
小的圖示,內容描述當年南京城內隆重舉辦孫中山奉安典禮的遊行序列。
本目錄集的出版與本次史料展,在一定程度上,呈現了百年來中國人民業已走過的歷程,同時也是許多專家前輩
們辛苦的結晶;若沒有過去曾經踏上中國土地、為收集史料而努力的胡佛檔案收藏家與管理者、學者、學生、士
兵、旅行者與朋友們,以及胡佛檔案館的眾多檔案捐贈者們的貢獻與辛勞,此次的展覽就無法如此順利舉行,而
來自全球各地的學者們,恐怕也就無法從事相關研究。
我們要對胡佛檔案館亞洲館藏部門的兩位負責人林孝庭與阮秋芳,表達最深沉的感謝之意。他們為本次展覽選
取材料,不辭辛勞地在數以萬計的故紙堆中,精挑細選出這些珍貴文物,讓參訪者一飽眼福;檔案館展覽協調員
Nick Siekierski 在籌備過程中, 協助兩位亞洲館藏負責人,運用其豐富的經驗協同策劃,將胡佛檔案館藏的特
質,做出最佳的呈現。王麗協助將展覽的英文解說以及本目錄集的英文內容,翻譯成中文,故此次盛宴真可謂是
中、美合力之作。
辛亥革命與民國肇建,早於胡佛研究所的創立,我們希望民國永存,並以此促進胡佛研究所的蓬勃發展與永續經
營。就胡佛研究所的立場而言,我們將繼續視中國為朋友與夥伴,希冀搜集與中國歷史、政治和文化等各方面相
關的資料。讓我們衷心期盼,在下一個世紀,舉辦辛亥革命與民國肇建兩百周年的紀念活動。
胡佛檔案館暨圖書館館長 理查蘇颯
5

Sun Yat-Sen Li Ji CaLLigraphY guangzhou, 1924
payson J. treat papers, hoover institution archives
孫中山所書寫之禮記禮運大同篇
Sun Yat-sen, the first president of a republican China, was an accomplished calligrapher. this piece, a passage from the Confucian classic Li Ji (Book
of rites), includes Sun Yat-sen's signature quote, "tian xia wei gong," meaning "all is equal under heaven." this motto expresses the notion of universal
harmony or great commonwealth and frequently appears inscribed on the gates of Chinatowns all over the world.
Introduction and Acknowledgments
The year 2011 marks the one-hundredth anniversary of the Chinese Revolution, also known as the Xinhai
Revolution (1911). The revolution was triggered by corruption in the Qing imperial court, the government's
inability to restrain the interventions of foreign powers, and the majority Han Chinese’s resentment of a government
dominated by the Manchu ethnic minority. On October 10, 1911, the revolution began with an uprising in
Wuchang, the capital city of Hubei Province on the Yangtze River. Within months, the revolution had overthrown
268 years of Manchu autocracy—ending more than two thousand years of feudal monarchies and establishing one
of Asia's first republics, the Republic of China.
The collapse of the imperial order, however, did not guarantee a smooth transition to a full-fledged democracy. In the
century following, China underwent frequent and drastic upheavals in its military, politics, economics, social structure,
and ideologies and continued to confront the threatening external challenges that had never ceased to exist.
In April 2011, the Hoover Institution commemorated the hundredth anniversary of the 1911 revolution and the
founding of the Chinese republic with a new exhibition, A Century of Change: China 1911–2011. Drawing on the
rich holdings of the Hoover Library and Archives, the exhibit offers a unique insight into those momentous events
in Chinese history and the ensuing tumultuous century. More significantly, the exhibit demonstrates how, in keeping
with the Institution’s mission, defined as the study of war, revolution, and peace, the Hoover Library and Archives
continue to thrive and play a pioneering role in the world’s modern China collection and research.
Many individuals have contributed their assistance, time, skills, generosity, and positive energy to create A Century
of Change: China 1911–2011.
Chief among them are Rachel Bauer, Brandon Burke, Rae Chang, Elizabeth Chiang, Sarah Farber, Jimmy James
Fayne, Rayan Ghazal, Cissie Hill, David Jacobs, Lyalya Kharitonova, Tai-chun Kuo, Tim Laverne, Ramon Myers,
George Nash, Jennifer Navarrette, Janel Quirante, Russell Rader, Jim Sam, Ellen Santiago, Maciej Siekierski,
Stephanie Stewart, Celeste Szeto, Mark Tam, Adam Tow, and Tin Tin Wisniewski.
Enormous credit goes to Nick Siekierski (outreach and exhibits coordinator), who provided expert ideas and insights
in the production, installation, and design of the exhibit cases and publicity materials.
A never-ending thank you to Linda Bernard (deputy archivist) who diligently read/reread and formatted texts, rendered
support, and, in particular, contributed her contagious gung-ho enthusiasm throughout the months of the project.
Exhibit texts have greatly benefited from Ann Wood’s (institutional editor) keen critical eye. For their thoughtful
comments, we would also like to thank Brad Bauer, Lisa Miller, and Don Young. Wang Li is gratefully thanked for
translating the English text into Chinese.
Special thanks goes to Richard Sousa (director, Hoover Library and Archives), without whose vision and support
this exhibit would not have been possible.
Lisa Nguyen and Hsiao-ting Lin
A Century of Change: China 1911–2011
7

謝辭
今(2011)年是辛亥革命爆發的一百週年。一個世紀前的1911年,滿清王朝在中國的統治,已走到了盡頭;對內,
清政府無法解決其腐敗無能,以及滿漢兩大民族之間的矛盾對立,對外,清政府無力回應日本與西方列強對中國
的侵略與干涉。10月10日,辛亥革命在湖北武昌爆發,數月之後,革命黨人推翻了268年的清王朝,終結了中國
長達兩千餘年的封建專制體制,建立了亞洲第一個共和國——中華民國。
然而,帝國秩序的崩潰,並未能夠確保中國平穩地轉化成為民主國家。辛亥革命後的一百年間,中國在軍事、政
治、經濟、社會與意識型態各方面,依然不時出現劇烈震盪,外患從來未曾消失,而中國始終面臨生存危機。
2011年4月,史丹佛大學胡佛研究所舉辦「世紀之變--辛亥百年珍藏史料展」,紀念辛亥革命與民國肇建一百週
年。此次展覽以胡佛研究所圖書館與檔案館豐富的館藏為基礎,讓世人得以窺見近代中國彪炳史冊的重大歷史事
件,瞭解上一個世紀發生在中國這塊土地上的風雲變幻。更重要者,此一展覽,充分彰顯了胡佛圖書館和檔案館
基於研究所創建人、美國第31任總統胡佛所賦予的使命——環繞在與「戰爭」、「革命」與「和平」相關議題的
研究——在近、現代中國史料館藏與研究領域上,繼續成長茁壯,享有國際最高的聲譽。
以下人士為「世紀之變--辛亥百年珍藏史料展」與目錄冊的出版,貢獻了其時間與心力,在此我們要致上最深切
的感謝之意: Rachel Bauer, Brandon Burke, Rae Chang, Elizabeth Chiang (蔣方智怡), Sarah Farber, Jimmy James
Fayne, Rayan Ghazal, Cissie Hill, David Jacobs, Lyalya Kharitonova, Tai-chun Kuo (郭岱君), Tim Laverne, Ramon
Myer, George Nash, Jennifer Navarrette, Janel Quirante, Russell Rader, Jim Sam, Ellen Santiago, Maciej Siekierski,
Stephanie Stewart, Celeste Szeto (房國穎), Mark Tam, Adam Tow 與 Tin Tin Wisniewski.
我們要感謝胡佛檔案館負責展覽與協調的 Nick Siekierski, 他在製作、陳列、單元設計與宣傳材料等方面,提供了
最具專業化建議。
我們由衷感謝檔案館副館長 Linda Bernard, 她屢次閱讀並修訂展覽文本,並且為展覽的排版,提供技術上的支援,
在展覽籌備期間,她始終熱情洋溢地無私奉獻。
我們要感謝研究所編輯 Ann Wood 對展覽文本的文字敘述,進行最高標準的編輯與校對。我們要向 Brad Bauer,
Lisa Miller, 與 Don Young 對文本內容的審慎建議,致上謝意。王麗對英文文本進行中文翻譯,我們同樣表示感謝。
最後,我們特別要感謝胡佛研究所圖書與檔案館館長 Richard Sousa, 他的遠見、視野與支持,讓此次展覽與出版
得以順利成功。
林孝庭 阮秋芳
8 Hoover Institution
The Empire and Its Discontents 滿清傾覆前的局勢
road Map of the Qing dYnaStY
hoover institution Library
晚清時期中國鐵路地圖
(see the full-frame version of this image on page 96)

The Empire and Its Discontents
At the beginning of the twentieth century, China was still reeling from the Taiping Rebellion, the Opium Wars, and
the first Sino-Japanese War of 1894–95. That war resulted in China’s losing Korea, Taiwan, the Pescadores, and the
Liaodong region of southern Manchuria. Additional losses for China included an indemnity payment of 200 million
taels and the forced opening of treaty ports.
In 1900, the antiforeigner Boxer Rebellion was led by the Yi He Quan (Righteous Harmonious Fists), on orders
from the empress dowager Cixi, the de facto ruler, to “protect the country and destroy the foreigners.” Twenty
thousand troops from an eight-nation alliance (Austria-Hungary, France, Germany, Italy, Japan, Russia, the United
Kingdom, and the United States) defeated the resistance. In September 1901, the Qing court signed the Boxer
Protocol. Again, China was forced to foot the bill—450 million taels, almost double the government’s annual
income—and the eight nations would wrest even more concessions from China.
The gentry, landlords, and merchants in the provinces fought back, demanding local control of the new railways that
were funded by foreign companies. They succeeded, and in 1905, as part of the Railway Rights Recovery Movement,
the authority to manage the Sichuan-Hankou and Guangdong-Hankou railway lines was granted to the people of
Hunan, Hubei, Sichuan, and Guangdong Provinces.
Anxious about increasing provincial autonomy, the government countered by nationalizing China’s main railways,
igniting fury among the provincials, who resented the recentralization of the Qing court’s power, the loss of their
private investments, and the intrusion of foreign economic influence in China. The animus against the government
became violent and massive antigovernment riots spread rapidly throughout the southern provinces. Qing troops
clashed with demonstrators and public order broke down.
China was also plagued by natural disasters that ruined harvests and caused widespread famine. Massive social
strife, economic stagnation, military defeats, and expanded foreign concessions brought on national despair. When
the empress dowager died in 1908 and the emperor Aisin Gioro Puyi, a two-year old, ascended the throne, the Qing
Dynasty was on the verge of collapse.
滿清傾覆前的局勢
二十世紀初,中國仍未走出上一世紀的太平天國之亂、兩次鴉片戰爭、以及1894-1895年間中日甲午戰爭戰敗的
巨大陰影。甲午戰敗,中國失去了朝鮮半島、割讓了台灣、澎湖群島以及遼東半島。此外,中國在這些戰敗賠款
中損失了二億兩白銀,並且被迫開放各通商口岸。
1900年,義和團發起排外運動,在慈禧太后鼓勵下,義和團展開「扶清滅洋」的仇外運動,最後引發奧匈帝國、
法國、德國、意大利、日本、俄國、英國、美國等為數兩萬名的八國聯軍攻入北京城。1901年9月,清廷簽署辛
丑和約。中國再次被迫賠款四億五千萬兩白銀——這筆款項幾乎相當於清政府年收入的兩倍——而上述八個國家
也獲得更多在華特權。
與此同時,中國境內各省的士紳、地主與商人階級,面對外國在華勢力的擴張,奮力反擊,要求清廷收回外國公
司在華運營的新鐵路。1905年,「保路運動」取得部分勝利,川漢鐵路和粵漢鐵路的管理權交由湖南、湖北、四
川和廣東各省當局掌管。為避免助長各省自治傾向,清廷也開始採取鐵路國有化措施。
清政府此一措施,卻讓各省私人投資大量流失,也讓中國遭受外國經濟勢力的侵蝕,各省地方當局同時也反對清
廷再度中央集權。這種反政府的敵意,逐漸演變成為大規模暴亂,特別是在華南各省之間,快速蔓延。
清政府派軍隊鎮壓示威者,然而公共秩序也逐漸失控。此外,中國亦飽受天災與農產欠收之苦,飢荒氾濫。大量
的社會糾紛、經濟蕭條、軍事失利與外國在華特權擴展,讓整個中華民族陷於困境。 1908年,當光緒皇帝與慈禧
太后先後駕崩、兩歲的愛新覺羅·溥儀繼承皇位時,清王朝實已瀕臨崩潰邊緣。
10 Hoover Institution
A Century of Change: China 1911–2011
11

The Empire and Its Discontents
ManChu iMperiaL deCree, early 19th century
david Barrett papers, hoover institution archives
乾隆皇帝滿文詔書
Chinese characters, Manchu script, and an english translation of a Chinese imperial decree of the early nineteenth
century. Manchu had been the primary language of the Qing dynasty imperial court, but as Manchu officials became
increasingly sinicized, many lost that language. thus the use of Manchu for official documents declined; later most
imperial documents were drafted in both Chinese and Manchu.
BoxerS’S Beheading, 1900
Joshua B. powers collection, hoover institution archives
庚子拳亂期間義和拳亂民遭斬首
12 Hoover Institution
A Century of Change: China 1911–2011
滿清傾覆前的局勢
13

The Empire and Its Discontents
the eMpreSS dowager Cixi and her Court, undated
ivan innokent’evich Serebrennikov papers, hoover institution archives
慈禧太后與其侍女
the empress dowager Cixi's (1835–1908) given name was "Little orchid." (She was later given the name Cixi,
meaning "kindly and virtuous.") her father was a gentleman-in-waiting of the Qing court. in 1851 she was one of
twenty-eight Manchu girls selected by the emperor xianfeng (1831–61) as a concubine. after she gave birth to a
son—the emperor's only son—she was made a concubine of the second rank. the emperor xianfeng died in 1861;
their six-year-old son, the emperor tongzhi (1856–75), succeeded to the throne the following year. Cixi then ousted
a group of regents appointed by the late emperor; assumed regency over her young son with the empress dowager
Ci'an (1837–81); and then established near-absolute rule over the country.
portrait of the Qing iMperiaL faMiLY, 1909
poster collection, hoover institution archives
宣統年間大清帝國皇室畫報
printed six months after puyi ascended to the throne, in december 1908, at the age of two years and ten months.
14 Hoover Institution
A Century of Change: China 1911–2011
滿清傾覆前的局勢
15

The Empire and Its Discontents
Land deed, 1880–1930
Liu family records, hoover institution archives
晚清時期的地契
this land deed from the Liu family offers a glimpse into China's real estate market from the 1880s to the 1930s.
the family lived in nanxun, a thriving town and center of commerce in Zhejiang during the Ming (1368–1644) and
Qing (1644–1911) dynasties. Liu Yong (1826–99), the family patriarch and a prestigious Qing dynasty merchant,
built his fortune on cotton, silk, salt, and real estate.
16 Hoover Institution
A Century of Change: China 1911–2011
滿清傾覆前的局勢
BeiJing-hankou raiLwaY Map
Joshua B. powers collection, hoover
institution archives
京漢鐵路地圖
China’s tragic defeat in the first
Sino-Japanese war forced the Qing
government to grant permission to
the western powers to construct
railways in China, along with many
other privileges, such as settling and
mining along the railways. By 1911,
there were some nine thousand
kilometers of railway tracks in China.
the imperial capital, Beijing, was to
be the center of the Chinese railway
network, with several lines spoking out
from Beijing, including the three main
lines: Jinghan, Jingfeng, and Jinpu.
Construction of the Jinghan railway—
connecting Beijing in the north to
hankou in the south—began in 1897
and was completed in 1905.
17

The Empire and Its Discontents
anSon BurLingaMe and ChineSe deLegation, circa 1868
Chinese pictorial collection, hoover institution archives
同治年間美國駐華公使浦安臣與清廷官員合影
in June 1861, president abraham Lincoln appointed anson Burlingame minister to the Qing empire. Burlingame
worked toward a cooperative policy rather than an imperialistic one and thus developed good relations with the
reform elements of the court. the Burlingame treaty (1868) between the united States and China amended the
treaty of tianjin to establish formal, friendly relations between the two countries, with the united States granting
China the status of a most favored nation. in 1882, the treaty was reversed by the Chinese exclusion act.
eMBroidered JaCket, (Qing period)
John risley putnam collection, hoover institution archives
滿清女式繡花上衣
18 Hoover Institution
A Century of Change: China 1911–2011
滿清傾覆前的局勢
19

The Empire and Its Discontents
20 Hoover Institution
ShoeS for Bound feet
John risley putnam collection, hoover institution archives
三寸金蓮
Suffering for beauty was extreme in China, where millions of girls, at a very young age, had their feet bound to turn
them into the prized “three-inch golden lotuses.” the custom began in the tenth century; it was outlawed by the
republic of China in 1912.
Reformers and Revolutionaries 革命與立憲的對峙
hoMer Lea (1876–1912), undated
Joshua B. powers collection,
hoover institution archives
荷馬李將軍像
homer Lea, a Stanford-educated geopolitical strategist,
supported the Chinese revolution. although called
“scrunch-neck” because of his crippled back and short
stature (he was under five feet tall), he dreamed of
military glory. his career with the Chinese militia began
in San francisco in 1899 when he became part of the
Bao huang hui, whose goal was to restore the emperor
guangxu to power, having been displaced by opponents
of his hundred days reform Movement.
Lea’s contributions to the reformist camp earned him the
title of “lieutenant general” during the Boxer rebellion.
But his involvement with the Bao huang hui was cut
short when guangxu died in 1908. Lea then became
Sun’s trusted political adviser.
(see the full-frame version of this image on page 96)

Reformers and Revolutionaries
As discontent mounted, two opposing movements, the reformers and the revolutionaries, aimed at reviving China.
The reformers, led by Kang Youwei and Liang Qichao, sought change within the confines of the imperial system
and called for the reorganization of institutional and ideological policies. This short-lived movement, known as
the Hundred Days Reform of 1898, proposed a series of sweeping internal changes. The emperor Guangxu, more
receptive to change than the obdurate empress dowager Cixi, issued edicts for massive political, legal, and social
reforms, including improving the status of women, introducing provincial assemblies at the local level, abolishing the
civil service examinations, and formulating a new code of law.
Guangxu believed that, by modeling China on constitutional monarchies such as Japan, China would become
politically and economically powerful. Those reforms, however, were viewed by many as too extreme for a China
still heavily influenced by neo-Confucian statecraft. Cixi, seeing the changes as a serious threat to her power,
condemned the Hundred Days Reform as too radical and immediately placed Guangxu under house arrest. Kang
and Liang escaped to Japan. Both men continued to advocate a constitutional monarchy and raised support for their
cause among overseas Chinese and foreign governments. In 1899 Kang and Liang founded the Bao Huang Hui (Save
the Emperor Society), whose purpose was to depose the empress dowager Cixi and return the reformists to power.
The man who would become known as the “Father of the Republic,” Dr. Sun Yat-sen, was born into a peasant
family in Guangdong Province but raised in Hawai’i, where he received a Christian education and trained as a
medical practitioner. Western democratic ideals were firmly ingrained in Sun’s consciousness. Because his non-gentry
status cut him off from legitimate political action in traditional China, he promulgated the overthrow of the Manchu
Dynasty, not reform, to save the nation.
After he backed a failed 1895 uprising in Guangdong, Sun Yat-sen was declared a criminal with a price on his head.
He then traveled around the globe, advocating revolution and soliciting financial and other support. Sun’s base
was Yokohama, Japan, where he, along with Huang Xing and Song Jiaoren, founded an underground resistance
movement, the Tong Meng Hui (United Alliance League), in 1905.
That new alliance was made up of Sun’s Xingzhong Hui (Revive China Society), the Guangfu Hui (Restoration Society),
and other Chinese revolutionary groups. Combining republican, nationalist, and socialist objectives, Tong Meng Hui’s
political platform was “Drive out the Tartars, revive China, establish a republic, and equalize land distribution.”
Sun’s revolutionary upsurge forced the Qing government to institute reforms to stave off collapse. After the empress
dowager’s death in 1908, the Qing regents drew up steps to be taken during a nine-year period to establish a
constitutional monarchy. Although ambitious, those reforms were clearly too little, too late.
革命與立憲的對峙
面對民怨沸騰,晚清的中國政治上出現改革派和革命派兩種不同的自救運動。以康有為與梁啟超為首的改革派,
欲在既有的帝制架構內進行革新,呼籲改組政府機構並推動新的政治思維。此一改革曾於1898年短暫獲得實現,
史稱「百日維新」,改革派們提出了一系列革新措施,並獲得光緒皇帝的支持,他頒布了若干新的政令,進行法
律和社會改革,包括提高婦女地位、推動各省諮議會的成立、廢除科舉、制定新法典等。
光緒皇帝認為,此刻中國若能效仿日本實行君主立憲,將有助於實現政治和經濟上的自強。然而中國當時仍深受
新儒家治國之道的影響,許多人認為上述改革措施過於激進。慈禧太后則視這些改革為自身權力的絆腳石,視百
日維新過於極端,最後發動政變,軟禁光緒皇帝,康有為和梁啟超逃往日本。在海外,他們繼續呼籲推動中國的
君主立憲,並向海外華人與外國政府尋求支持。 1899年,康有為和梁啟超成立「保皇會」,其訴求為罷黜慈禧太
后,將權力還給光緒皇帝與改革派。
孫中山出生於廣東省一個農民家庭,在夏威夷成長,並接受了基督思想與教育,成為一名醫師,最後獻身於中國
的革命運動。他深受西方民主思想的影響,然而由於他並非出身士紳階級,無法在傳統中國帝制社會下施展政治
抱負,因而在體制外宣揚推翻滿清,欲進行「革命」而非「改革」。
1895年,孫中山在廣東策動反清起義失敗後,成為清政府的頭號罪犯。接著,他離開中國,環遊世界,尋求各方
對其革命運動的支持與援助。1905年,孫中山以日本橫濱為基地,和黃興、宋教仁等人一同發起「同盟會」。
此同盟會是由孫中山更早創立的興中會,以及光復會等其他革命團體所組成。該會的政治綱領是「驅逐韃虜、恢
復中華、創建民國、平均地權」,融合了共和國思想、民族主義與社會主義的目標。
孫中山日益升高的聲望與革命氣焰,迫使清政府尋求改革,以求自保。1908年慈禧太后與光緒帝去世後,清攝政
王曾擬定步驟,欲在九年之內建立一個君主立憲體制。儘管這些改革頗具企圖心,但顯然已無力回天。
22 Hoover Institution
A Century of Change: China 1911–2011
23

Reformers and Revolutionaries
eMperor guangxu, undated
ivan innokent’evich Serebrennikov papers, hoover institution archives
光緒皇帝像
kang Youwei (1858–1927), undated
Stanley hornbeck papers, hoover institution archives
24 Hoover Institution
A Century of Change: China 1911–2011
康有為像
kang Youwei traveled through nearly every country in europe, touched the coast of africa, spent three years in india,
and visited Canada and the united States several times. he was, however, no revolutionary, with his policy of reform
being closely bound up with the continuation of the dynasty.
this autographed photo was dedicated to paul Samuel reinsch (1869-1923) who served as the united States
minister to China from 1913 to 1919.
革命與立憲的對峙
25

Reformers and Revolutionaries
Liang QiChao (1873–1929), undated
Joshua B. powers collection, hoover institution archives
梁啟超像
Liang Qichao served as editor in chief of the Xinmin Congbao, the official magazine of the Bao huang hui. this
paper was a forum for debate with the revolutionaries on such issues as the end of monarchy versus restoration
of the emperor, democratic and republican systems versus a constitutional monarchy, and nationalization versus
privatization of land.
Sun Yat-Sen and hiS Son, Sun fo , april 18, 1910
Joshua B. powers collection, hoover institution archives
孫中山與孫科父子合影
26 Hoover Institution
A Century of Change: China 1911–2011
革命與立憲的對峙
as a peripatetic patriot, Sun Yat-sen traveled extensively throughout Southeast asia, europe, Japan, hawai'i, Canada, and the united States on his tireless
quest to garner moral and financial support for his revolutionary cause. in particular, Sun recognized that the large number of overseas Chinese could
contribute above and beyond sending remittances to their ancestral homeland.
Sun fo (1891–1973) was the son of Sun Yat-sen and his first wife, Lu Muzhen. he studied abroad, earning a bachelor of arts degree from the university of
California, Berkeley, in 1916 and a master of science degree from Columbia university in 1917.
27

Reformers and Revolutionaries
kang Youwei Letter, april 7, 1905
Joshua B. powers collection, hoover institution archives
康有為致美國友人信函
in this letter, addressed to the american people, kang Youwei announced that homer Lea was the only recognized
and appointed general of all Chinese military schools in america.
ChineSe VoLunteerS’ training in Southern CaLifornia, 1902
Joshua B. powers collection, hoover institution archives
由荷馬李將軍訓練於南加州的保皇義勇軍
kang Youwei and Liang Qichao commissioned Lea to train Chinese soldiers, which he did by expanding their military
training to other major cities across the united States, working out detailed plans for future campaigns, and initiating
negotiations in new York and London for loans to support the revolutionary movement.
28 Hoover Institution
A Century of Change: China 1911–2011
革命與立憲的對峙
29

Reformers and Revolutionaries
Sun Yat-Sen Kidnapped in London, 1897
hoover institution Library
孫中山所著倫敦蒙難記
in 1896, Sun Yat-sen traveled to London. the Chinese legation, alerted to his presence by Chinese diplomats in the united States, employed Slater's
detective agency to follow Sun, whom it considered a threat to the Manchu dynasty. eleven days after his arrival, Manchu officials kidnapped him en route to
visit his Scottish mentor, Sir James Cantlie, dean of the College of Medicine in hong kong.
Sun was held captive pending extradition to China, where he could face execution. he was rescued through the efforts of Sir James, who had gained the
help of the British foreign office and Scotland Yard. when the press picked up the news, the incident quickly became an international political sensation.
Sun Yat-Sen to hoMer Lea, undated
Joshua B. powers collection, hoover institution archives
孫中山致荷馬李將軍親筆函
fourth page of a letter written a year before the revolution in which Sun tells Lea “to get the means for our movement
as soon as possible” and warns him, “Be careful for all the Chinese you come in contact with in america and under
no circumstances to let any one know of the relation between you and i sic.”
30 Hoover Institution
A Century of Change: China 1911–2011
革命與立憲的對峙
31

Reformers and Revolutionaries
32 Hoover Institution
MiLitarY Bond iSSued BY the tong Meng hui, 1906
Charles Beach Boothe papers, hoover institution archives
同盟會所發行的軍事公債
in Vietnam in 1906, the tong Meng hui printed ten thousand military bonds in hundred-dollar denominations to
raise funds for the revolution. the proceeds undergirded the Chaozhou uprising in early 1907 and the Zhennanguan
uprising toward the end of that year. one side of the bond was printed in english, the reverse side, in french.
The Wuchang Uprising and the Fall of a Dynasty 武昌起義與滿清覆亡
wuChang upriSing, 1912
william Sheldon ridge papers,
hoover institution archives
武昌亂事圖
(see the full-frame version of this image on page 96)

The Wuchang Uprising and the Fall of a Dynasty
The October 10, 1911, Wuchang Uprising that led to the collapse of China’s 2,100-year-old dynastic empire
literally arose out of an accident. Revolutionaries in Wuchang, Hubei Province, were building bombs, one of which
inadvertently exploded, giving their plot away. Knowing they faced death if caught, they immediately set in motion
military actions in south and central China that resulted in a wave of strategic victories.
Sun Yat-sen had no direct role in the Wuchang Uprising (he was traveling in the United States and read about it in a
newspaper) and in fact favored an uprising in his native Guangdong. Sun’s rival in the alliance, Huang Xing, favored
an uprising in central China, which he was planning for late October. Thus the revolutionary leaders were all caught
off guard, leaving the mutineers without a leader.
Then Li Yuanhong, the Qing-appointed commander of the Twenty-first Mixed Brigade in Hubei, was dragged from
under his bed by the mutineers and forced at gunpoint to lead the rebellion. He later became the only man ever to
serve twice as president of the republican government. At first, the revolt was considered merely the latest in a series
of mutinies in southern China and was widely expected to be quickly suppressed. But, because the Qing court failed
to respond promptly, provincial assemblies in many southern provinces rapidly declared independence from the Qing
government and allegiance to the rebellion.
As news of the success of the insurrection broke, men in urban areas sheared off their queues as a challenge to the
Manchu authority. Within a month, representatives from the sixteen seceding provinces had met and declared a
Republic of China. In February 1912, 268 years of Qing imperial rule came to an end when Puyi abdicated, thus
becoming the last emperor of China.
武昌起義與滿清覆亡
1911年10月10日所發生的武昌起義,實為一偶發事件,卻使得中國長達兩千一百年帝制王朝宣告終結。湖北武昌
的革命軍,製造炸彈時不慎爆炸了一顆,因此洩露了秘密。他們深知,如果被捕只有死路一條,所以迅速地在華
南和華中地區發動軍事行動,最後取得一系列勝利。
孫中山並未直接參與武昌起義,當時他正在美國旅行,從報紙上得知武昌起義的消息。他向來主張在其家鄉廣東
省發動起義,他在同盟會裡的潛在對手黃興,則力主於當年十月底在華中起義。因此,當武昌起義爆發後,革命
黨人一時措手不及,造成群龍無首的局面。
清軍第二十一混成旅協統黎元洪被武昌起義者,從其床底下拉出來,並用槍口迫使他領導起義。稍後,他成為民
國總統,也是唯一一位兩度擔任此一職務的人。華南地區起義為數眾多,武昌起義最初只被清廷視為是單一事件,
大多數人也認為將很快被鎮壓下去。但是,由於清朝沒有迅速反應,南方各省的省諮議會很快宣布脫離清朝獨立,
34 Hoover Institution
A Century of Change: China 1911–2011
擁護起義。
隨著武昌起義爆發並且獲致成功的消息傳播開來,鄉村地區的人們剪去辮子,對滿清統治當局發起挑戰。一個月
內,十六個脫離清廷統治的省份代表集會,宣布成立中華民國。1912年2月,中國最後一位皇帝溥儀宣布退位,
歷時二百六十八年的清王朝統治宣告終結。
35

The Wuchang Uprising and the Fall of a Dynasty
a.
b.
xinhai reVoLution, 1911–12
poster collection, hoover institution archives
民國元年上海商務印書館發售的辛亥革命起義畫報
…continued on page 37
武昌起義與滿清覆亡
36 Hoover Institution
A Century of Change: China 1911–2011
c.
d.
four images from a set of ten illustrations, printed by the Shanghai Commercial press in 1912, that depict important milestones of the xinhai revolution.
a. officials escape the city; the viceroy's yeomen are burned
b. Sea Battle
c. occupation of purple Mountain, nanjing
d. national army soldiers enter taiping gate in nanjing
37

The Wuchang Uprising and the Fall of a Dynasty
Li Yuanhong (1864–1928)
oliver todd papers, hoover institution archives
黎元洪像
Letter froM hugh Moran to paYSon treat, october 22, 1911
payson treat papers, hoover institution archives
外國人士目睹武昌起義之相關敘述
武昌起義與滿清覆亡
“My dear treat, we are making history here faster than you can write it. . . . on tuesday morning, october 10, we reached hankow and our haven of rest.
all seemed peaceful enough. . .we were all set up for the first meeting of the Board of directors of the hankow Chinese Y.M.C.a. and the date set for the
following Saturday. we heard, however, that an immature revolutionist plot had been discovered the day before in the russian concession by the explosion of
a bomb. this revealed the plans of the revolutionists for insurrection in wuchang, across the river, the seat of the Viceroy of hupeh and hunan, the despotic
ruler of some 70,000,000 people. . . . i was returning down the bund from an errand when we noticed fires burning, one without and two within, the city
of wuchang. Suddenly there was a volley of rifle shots . . . we surmised that the smoldering discontent of the Chinese had at last broken out in open revolt.
events followed each other in rapid succession. on wednesday the city of hanyang fell into the hands of the reformers and with it the imperial arsenal and
the hanyang iron works. probably by the time you receive this letter the dynasty will have fallen, either abdicated or been massacred. . . . we all fear that
the Chinese are not ready for a republic . . . but the spirit of the people is certainly democratic and i feel sure that the final result will be a republic.”
38 Hoover Institution
A Century of Change: China 1911–2011
39

The Wuchang Uprising and the Fall of a Dynasty
wheeLBarrow Brigade at itS QuarterS at pengpu, 1911
James webster papers, hoover institution archives
駐紮上海彭浦地區的革命軍
repuBLiCan troopS entraining at anhui, Linhuaiguan, 1911
James webster papers, hoover institution archives
駐紮安徽臨淮關的革命軍
reVoLutionarY SoLderS waiting for orderS to MarCh northward
againSt the iMperiaLiStS, 1911
James webster papers, hoover institution archives
待命準備發動攻勢的革命軍
reVoLutionarY SoLdierS Loading 4.7” gunS at anhui, Linhuaiguan, 1911
James webster papers, hoover institution archives
安徽臨淮關地區的革命軍與其大砲
武昌起義與滿清覆亡
40 Hoover Institution
A Century of Change: China 1911–2011
41

The Wuchang Uprising and the Fall of a Dynasty
aCCount of the nanJing Capture (webster)
James webster papers, hoover institution archives
外國人士目睹革命軍佔領南京之敘述
“one cannot go about among the revolutionist troops without being impressed with their orderliness, good behavior and apparent seriousness of purpose.
. . . whatever one thinks about the comparative desirability of a republic or a constitutional monarchy for China as the outcome of this upheaval, one can
converse with the soldiers is not long in finding what they think they want, and it is not going to be an easy task for Yuan Shih kai to get those notions out of
their heads. . . . the writer saw not a few of the Chekiang troops who could be rid of the idea of a republic only by being ride of their heads.”
42 Hoover Institution
The Birth of a Republic 民國肇建
Sun Yat-Sen, undated
Joshua B. powers collection, hoover institution archives
孫中山像
Sun Yat-Sen at the Shanghai raiLwaY Station, 1912
poster collection, hoover institution archives
孫中山抵達上海車站的政治畫報
on the morning of January 1, 1912, Sun Yat-sen
arrived at the Shanghai railway Station to board a train
for nanjing, where he proclaimed the founding of the
republic of China and assumed the title of provisional
president. the station is crowded with supporters and
spectators hoping to catch a glimpse of Sun.
(see the full-frame versions of these images on page 96)

The Birth of a Republic
People in the early republic were optimistic that the new China could develop into a full-fledged democracy. Those
hopes seemed realized when Sun Yat-sen, accompanied by his political adviser Homer Lea, returned to Hong Kong
on December 21, 1911, and was elected provisional president of the Republic of China (ROC) by representatives of
the provisional assemblies in Nanjing. Li Yuanhong was appointed vice-president. Sun’s longtime associate, Huang
Xing, took charge as the unofficial prime minister.
In his forty-five days as president, Sun and the provisional legislators proclaimed the establishment of the ROC,
introduced a republican regime, adopted the Gregorian calendar, and replaced the imperial dragon flag with the Five
Color Flag, which consisted of five horizontal stripes in red, yellow, blue, white, and black, representing China’s
five major nationalities. Sun, however, recognizing that he had neither the experience nor the force of arms to rule
successfully, tendered his resignation on February 15, 1912. He offered the presidency to Yuan Shikai, a military
man from northern China and an experienced imperial official with some interest in reform. Sun hoped that Yuan
would use his army and power to realize the goals of the new republic.
Song Jiaoren, one of the founders of the Tong Meng Hui (United Alliance League), was instrumental in transforming
that organization into the Kuomintang (KMT). In China’s first nationwide election in 1912–13, he led the
KMT to victory. The euphoria following that victory, however, was brief. Song spoke out against the increasing
authoritarianism of President Yuan, angering Yuan, who was not about to share power with any national
parliament, particularly one run by the KMT. The ambitious Yuan then hired an assassin, who killed Song Jiaoren
on March 20, 1913, at the Shanghai train station. In 1915 Yuan declared himself the emperor of China in an effort
to reestablish the imperial system.
44 Hoover Institution
A Century of Change: China 1911–2011
民國肇建
民國肇建初始,人們普遍樂觀地認為中華民國能夠發展成為一個成熟的民主國家。 1911年12月21日,當孫中山
在其政治顧問荷馬李將軍的陪同下,從香港回到中國,並且在南京被推舉為中華民國臨時總統時,很多人是持此
種樂觀的看法。黎元洪則被任命為臨時副總統。黃興——孫中山的長期戰友,則出掌民國總理一職。
孫中山擔任臨時總統的四十五天內,新的中華民國政府採取共和政體,採用西曆、以紅、黃、藍、白、黑五色旗
取代皇龍旗成為新國旗。然而,孫中山既沒有執政經驗,也沒有足夠的武裝力量作為統治的後盾。1912年2月15
日,孫中山將總統職務讓位給袁世凱。袁世凱出身華北,是一位經驗豐富、並且對改革有一定興趣的前清政府要
員。孫中山希望袁世凱可以利用其軍隊與影響力,來實現新共和政府的各項目標。
同盟會的創始人之一宋教仁,在將同盟會整合成為國民黨的過程中,發揮了積極作用。 1912-1913年,宋教仁領
導國民黨在中國第一次舉行的全國大選中獲勝。然而國民黨勝利的果實只有曇花一現。袁世凱獨裁傾向與日俱增,
宋教仁對此公開反對,這觸怒了並不打算與國民黨所主導的國會共享權力的袁世凱。1913年3月20日,野心勃勃
的袁世凱僱用一名殺手,在上海火車站暗殺宋教仁。1915年,袁世凱復辟稱帝,帝制死灰復燃。
45

The Birth of a Republic
1912 CaLendar depiCting SCeneS of the wuChang upriSing
poster collection, hoover institution archives
慶祝中華民國採用西曆紀元之紀念畫報
when the republic was created in 1911, each revolutionary group wished the new state to adopt its flag. the strongest contenders for this honor were a red
flag with the character jing emblazoned on it (far left and far right at the top of calendar) to represent the ancient ideal of equal land distribution; the starry
flag (second on left) that had been in use in wuchang at the time of the 1911 uprising and consequently been adopted by the revolutionaries there; the
shining sun flag (second on right) that Sun Yat-sen used for his revolutionary groups—now the flag of the republic of China in taiwan—and the five-color
flag (center) adopted by the revolutionary leaders in nanjing and Shanghai.
at the calendar’s top, Sun Yat-sen is in the center, huang xing on the left, and Yuan Shikai on the right.
aBdiCation of puYi, the eMperor xuantong of the Qing dYnaStY, 1912
China. Constitution extracts (english translation), hoover institution archives
宣統皇帝退位詔書英譯本
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民國肇建
after the wuchang uprising, the Qing government reinstated Yuan Shikai and ordered him to crack down on revolutionary activities. instead, Yuan endorsed
the republic and negotiated a peace agreement with the southern revolutionary factions to force the emperor’s abdication.
the imperial edict of abdication, drafted by Zhang Qian, was discussed by the provisional senators in nanjing and forwarded to the empress dowager Longyu
by Yuan Shikai. on february 12, 1912, the empress dowager Longyu brought puyi, the emperor xuantong, age six, to the forbidden City, where she issued
this imperial edict of abdication, which stated eight terms of preferential treatment, including allowing puyi to retain the title of last emperor of the Qing
dynasty. his reign, however, would be confined to the forbidden City.
47

The Birth of a Republic
Sun Yat-Sen to hoMer Lea, october 31, 1911
Joshua B. powers collection, hoover institution archives
武昌革命後孫中山致函荷馬李請求其協助民國臨時政府財政
written at the height of the october 1911 uprisings, the cable reads “all looking for me to lead if financially supported …
no strong government could be formed until we get there.”
Sun Yat-Sen’S preSidentiaL inauguration, January 1, 1912
Joshua B. powers papers, hoover institution archives
孫中山就任臨時大總統與內閣閣員合影
48 Hoover Institution
A Century of Change: China 1911–2011
民國肇建
49

The Birth of a Republic
dipLoMatiC CorpS in BeiJing with preSident Yuan Shikai,
circa 1913–14
Chinese pictorial collection, hoover institution archives
袁世凱與北京的外國使節團合影
huang xing (1874–1916)
Joshua B. powers papers, hoover institution archives
50 Hoover Institution
A Century of Change: China 1911–2011
黃興像
民國肇建
huang xing, Chinese revolutionary leader and statesman, was the first army commander in chief of the republic of China. as one of the founders of the
kMt and the republic of China, his position was second only to that of Sun Yat-sen. together they were known as Sun-huang during the xinhai revolution.
huang was also called the eight-fingered general as a result of wounds sustained during the war.
51

The Birth of a Republic
order of the wen hu (Striped tiger), firSt CLaSS, undated
harry Mohler medals, hoover institution archives
段祺瑞的一級紋虎勳章
Set formerly awarded to duan Qirui (1865–1936), who became president Yuan Shikai’s minister of war following the
1911 revolution. duan became premier shortly before Yuan’s death.
Sun Yat-Sen and founding MeMBerS of the ChineSe reVoLutionarY partY, July 1914
John Mcdonald photograph collection, hoover institution archives
1914年孫中山與中華革命黨創黨元老於日本合影
in 1913, after the failed second revolution against Yuan Shikai, Sun Yat-sen reorganized the kMt party in Japan
under the new name, the Chinese revolutionary party, with stricter discipline and membership requirements.
pictured are hu hanmin, Liao Zhongkai, Masahiro nakai, Sun Yat-sen, xu Chongzhi, and others.
52 Hoover Institution
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民國肇建
53

The Birth of a Republic
54 Hoover Institution
houSe ConCurrent reSoLution 50, 62nd CongreSS, april 16, 1912
Joshua B. powers collection, hoover institution archives
民國元年美國國會祝賀中華民國成立之決議案
the uS Congress congratulates the people of China on forming a republican
government.
The Warlord Era and the First United Front 軍閥割據與第一次國共合作
feng Yuxiang (1882–1948)
oliver todd papers, hoover institution archives
馮玉祥像
(see the full-frame version of this image on page 96)

The Warlord Era and the First United Front
After Yuan Shikai’s death in 1916, China plunged into the warlord period, with regional military leaders ranging
from local bandits’ controlling small bases to powerful heads of large armies’ controlling broad swaths of territory.
Despite the chaos, a remarkable intellectual movement was developing in the universities, where the spirit of
revolution had awakened interest in political ideologies from the West. The center of activity was Peking University
(PKU), whose affiliates included many founding figures of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), in particular a little-
known library assistant, the man who would lead the peasant revolution and ultimately rule China, Mao Zedong.
In May 1919, students at PKU learned of the concessions gained by Japan, including the handover of the Shandong
Peninsula, as the result of the Treaty of Versailles that ended World War I. In response, the students initiated a mass
demonstration that spread from city to city, igniting the general population in the largest outpouring of nationalistic
fervor China had ever seen. Demanding reforms at all levels of Chinese society, the demonstration became known as
the May Fourth Movement.
Meanwhile, Sun Yat-sen continued his attempts to tame the regional warlords and build a national government.
After years of fruitless efforts to secure international support, Sun turned to the newly formed Soviet Russia, which
was eager to gain influence in China. In 1923, Sun sent Chiang Kai-shek to Moscow to determine how Sun’s political
party, the Kuomintang (KMT), and Chiang’s army could work together to regain control of China. Two Russian
agents, Vasily Blücher and Mikhail Borodin, were sent to China to integrate the fledgling CCP within the ranks of
the KMT, using the Soviet model. That alliance was attractive to Sun in that the Soviets would provide political
training, military assistance, and financial support. The KMT and the CCP, from their base at the Whampoa Military
Academy in Guangdong, began training together in 1923 in preparation for the Northern Expedition, the mission to
reunite China in their first united front.
After Sun’s untimely death in 1925, his followers mounted the Northern Expedition, advancing from Guangdong
to the Yangtze River Valley. The combination of Nationalists and Communists proved temporarily successful, with
the Communists preparing the territories ahead of the army with propaganda, demonstrations, and strikes. When
the army, led by Chiang, arrived in Shanghai, an earlier communist-led uprising of workers contributed greatly
to its success. Chiang, however, had begun to resent the Soviet agents, feeling that they were more interested in
the international goals of the CCP than the national goals of the KMT. In addition, the CCP’s strikes and related
activities, choreographed by Stalin, alienated the middle and commercial classes, from which Chiang derived the
majority of his support. On April 12, 1927, Chiang staged a successful purge of Communists in Shanghai; the few
who escaped went underground.
By 1928, the Northern Expedition mission had been completed when the young Manchurian warlord Zhang
Xueliang recognized the Nanjing-based Nationalist government. The goal of unifying China had been accomplished,
at least nominally.
軍閥割據與第一次國共合作
1916年袁世凱去世之後,中國進入軍閥時代。各地軍閥出身背景五花八門,有的是控制著一小塊土地的強盜,有
的則是是帶領大批軍隊、割據一方的實力派領袖。
儘管當時政治局面混亂,在中國各大學校園裡還是興起了一批引人注意的知識份子,推展學生運動,其目的在於
以革命精神,喚醒國人對西方政治與意識形態的關注。這一學生運動以北京大學為中心,日後許多中國共產黨的
創始者,當時都在北大校園裡工作,包括當時鮮有人認識的北大圖書館助理毛澤東。在日後的中國歷史進程中,
他領導農民革命,最終成為中國的最高領導人。 1919年五月間,北京大學的學生們獲悉,一次大戰結束之後在巴
黎所簽訂的凡爾賽和約,讓日本在中國獲得了租界,並接管山東半島。學生們在大城市發起大規模示威遊行,並
且在廣大百姓心中激起前所未有的民族主義狂熱。一時間,中國社會各階層都要求改革,這次示威遊行被稱為「
五四運動」。
與此同時,在南方中國活動的孫中山,繼續努力爭取地方軍閥,共同合作以建立國民政府。在過去幾年當中,孫
中山爭取國際援助卻成果甚微,此時蘇俄正試圖加強在中國的影響力,孫中山轉而聯合俄國,1923年,他派遣蔣
介石到莫斯科訪問,考察學習國民黨以及其新建立的武力,如何才能統一中國。隨後不久,兩位蘇俄顧問——瓦
西里布盧徹和鮑羅廷來到中國,利用蘇聯的模式讓剛成立不久的中國共產黨加入國民黨。孫中山對這種合作模式
甚感興趣,並以此獲得蘇聯的政治訓練、軍事支持與財政援助。從1923年開始,國民黨和共產黨以廣東黃埔軍校
為基地,開始合力訓練,為北伐做準備。國共雙方第一次合作的目的,是重新統一中國。
1925年孫中山逝世之後,他的追隨者繼續北伐,從廣東出發,一路打到長江流域。由於共產黨進行宣傳、示威遊
行和罷工,國共合作取得了短暫的成功。當蔣介石領導的國民革命軍進入上海時,已潛伏在當地的共產黨份子,
事先運作工人暴動,這對蔣介石成功佔領上海,發揮了相當關鍵的作用。然而,蔣介石愈加認為來華的蘇聯顧問
們,對於推動取得共黨國際在華的最終目標,似乎更甚於推動國民黨的建國大業,因此他開始排斥蘇聯顧問。另
一方面,共產黨所領導的罷工運動,雖是受到史達林來自莫斯科的指示,卻違背了中國境內中產階級與商人團體
的利益,而蔣介石當時的崛起,正需要這些力量的支持。1927年4月12日,蔣介石在上海發動清黨,掃除共黨份
子,只有少部份共產黨人逃離上海,並轉入地下活動。
1928年,實際統治中國東北地區的少帥張學良,宣佈承認南京國民政府中央政府的地位,北伐正式宣告完成。至
此,中國至少實現了名義上的統一。
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The Warlord Era and the First United Front
Student deMonStrationS in tiananMen SQuare, circa 1919
george e. Sokolsky papers, hoover institution archives
1919年五四運動期間天安門前的學生示威運動
the new Culture Movement rekindled the fading cause of the republican revolution. Students returning from abroad
advocated new social and political theories and western ideals. the political fervor and reformist intellectual currents
set in motion by the patriotic student protest invoked a national awakening of the intellectual milieu.
Zhang ZongChang (1881–1932), undated
poster collection, hoover institution archives
北伐期間中國國民黨宣傳打倒山東軍閥張宗昌的政治畫報
軍閥割據與第一次國共合作
Zhang Zongchang, a warlord in Shangdong province, was nicknamed the “dogmeat general” and “72-Cannon Zhang.” Time magazine dubbed him China’s
“basest warlord.” the Chinese text of this warlord-era poster identifies Zhang as the man who killed Chinese people with the aid of bandits.
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The Warlord Era and the First United Front
Ge MinG Hua Bao (reVoLutionarY poSter), 1927
poster collection, hoover institution archives
北伐期間中國國民黨發行的革命畫報
in 1922, the CCp began organizing workers’ clubs as a front for unions. on february 2, 1923, the organizers helped
disparate clubs of railroad workers on the Beijing-hankou (Jinghan) line merge into one union. the region was
controlled by the warlord wu peifu (1874–1939), who drew much of his income from the freight being shipped on
the line. the new union, which was being harassed by the police on wu’s orders, called a general strike and shut
down the railroad. when workers ignored general wu’s orders to return to work, on february 7 he ordered two of his
generals and their troops to attack the strikers. thirty-five workers were killed and many more wounded. on the same
day, the leader of the union’s wuhan branch refused the order to have his workers return to work; he was beheaded
in front of his workers.
published by the whampoa Military academy, this issue of Ge Ming Hua Bao depicts the warlords wu peifu (1874–
1939) and xiao Yaonan (1875–1926) as a two-headed tiger ridden by a fat man wearing the label “imperialist.”
in another image, the blood of the victims of february 7 incident becomes the bell waking up workers to fight the
system and chase out imperialism.
Sun Yat-Sen SeekS aMeriCan reCognition, May 5, 1921
payson J. treat papers, hoover institution archives
1921年孫中山於廣州就任非常大總統後致美國總統哈定函
軍閥割據與第一次國共合作
asserting that China was in the “most critical time of her existence“ and that whether democracy triumphs or fails [in China] depends on the decision of
america, Sun Yat-sen made a direct appeal to united States president warren g. harding to recognize his new government.
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The Warlord Era and the First United Front
Sun Yat-Sen and hiS wife Soong Ching Ling Standing Before
the RosaMonde, the firSt airpLane BuiLt in China and naMed
after hiS wife, July 1923
hoover institution archives
孫中山與宋慶齡攝於中國首架自製飛機前
expenSe report for “SpeCiaL iteMS” for Sun Yat-Sen’S funeraL,
april 1, 1925
h. h. kung papers, hoover institution archives
孫中山治喪典禮開銷單據
軍閥割據與第一次國共合作
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The Warlord Era and the First United Front
Sun Yat-Sen’S State funeraL proCeSSion in nanJing
June 1, 1929
willys ruggles peck papers, hoover institution archives
1929年6月南京市區孫中山奉安典禮遊街圖
on March 12, 1925, Sun Yat-sen died of liver cancer at the age of fifty-nine in Beijing. on March 19, Sun’s body was
moved from peking union Medical College hospital to the city’s central park for public viewing. on april 2, following
memorial services throughout China, Sun’s coffin was moved to the temple of azure Clouds in xiangshan, a western
suburb of Beijing.
Soon after Sun’s death, a committee met to plan a mausoleum in nanjing in accordance with Sun’s wishes. the
committee held a public competition for the tomb; the design, by architect Lu Yanshi (who had been trained in the
united States) was chosen, in part, for its similarity to the Lincoln Memorial.
in 1929, a state funeral was held in nanjing in honor of Sun Yat-sen, with the nationalist party identifying itself with
the heroic narrative of the revolution of 1911. planned and organized by the highest echelons of the party, it was
intended to involve the entire population of the country.
(detail)
iteMiZed BiLL and reCeipt for SerViCeS rendered, March 18, 1925
h. h. kung papers, hoover institution archives
1925年孫中山逝世前後於北京協和醫院開銷單據
軍閥割據與第一次國共合作
as Sun lay dying in Beijing, he told h. h. kung, “Just as Christ was sent by god to the world, so also did god send me.” he had two wishes: that his body
rest in nanjing and that it be embalmed and displayed like that of his respected friend, Lenin. in accordance with Sun’s wishes, a replica of Lenin’s coffin
was ordered from the Soviet union; however, it did not arrive until after the funeral.
the coffin used instead, provided by the peking union Medical College, was of solid wood and thus thought to be more suitable for preserving the embalmed
body. the college was reimbursed for the coffin, as well as for expenses such as beef juice.
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The Warlord Era and the First United Front
Chiang kai-Shek'S diarY, March 24, 1925
Chiang kai-shek diaries, deposit, hoover institution
archives
1925年3月24日蔣介石在日記裡記載對孫中山逝世的
悲痛
Chiang kai-shek learned of Sun Yat-sen's death on
March 24, 1925, while he was conducting a military
campaign in eastern guangdong province. in this entry,
he confides that he was heartbroken and that he shall
sacrifice his life as expiation.
Chiang kai-Shek (1887–1975), undated
oliver todd papers, hoover institution archives
軍閥割據與第一次國共合作
66 Hoover Institution
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蔣介石像
67

The Warlord Era and the First United Front
68 Hoover Institution
LeftiSt LeaderS at ZhengZhou
June 13, 1927
Milly Bennett papers, hoover institution archives
1927 年寧漢分裂前期國民黨左派份子於鄭州集會
after Chiang kai-shek purged Communist party members from the left wing of the kMt,
leftist leaders met to consider their options.
from left to right: xu Jian, Sun fo, tang Yankai, feng Yuxiang, Yu Youren, wang Jingwei,
tang Shengzhi, and Vassily k. Blücher, the russian adviser.
The Sino-Japanese War and the Second United Front 對日抗戰與第二次國共合作
JapaneSe troopS SCaLing the CitY waLL of
taiYuan, november 8, 1937
frank dorn papers, hoover institution archives
侵華日軍丈量山西太原城門
(see the full-frame version of this image on page 96)

The Sino-Japanese War and the Second United Front
As China’s process of nation building progressed, in the early 1930s Japan began its military encroachments on
the country. Manchuria was the ancestral homeland of the Manchu Dynasty, which had governed China since the
seventeenth century. Although Japan and Russia had investments there, Manchuria was considered part of China.
After the Boxer Rebellion, however, the Russians occupied a section of Manchuria to secure their investments in the
Far Eastern Railway. The alarmed Japanese then triggered the Russo-Japanese War, resulting in a Japanese victory.
After that they began stationing troops and investing in Manchuria, with the Western nations turning a blind eye.
(As Japan had played a major role in subduing the Boxers, many Western governments viewed Japan as a stabilizing
influence in the area.)
On September 18, 1931, an explosion in Mukden, a Chinese railroad town, killed many Japanese soldiers. Claiming
that the Chinese had fired on them intentionally, the Japanese returned fire. By morning the entire city of Mukden
and its arsenal were in Japanese hands; by the end of the day all the towns along the railway had been captured.
Within six months the Japanese army reached the Great Wall, and later that year Manchuria became Manchukuo, a
puppet state of Japan.
In December 1936, Chiang Kai-shek was kidnapped in Xi’an by Zhang Xueliang and northwestern warlord Yang
Hucheng on the grounds that he had not fought wholeheartedly against Japan. After Chiang was released, both the
KMT and the CCP agreed to form a second united front that would focus their efforts against the Japanese. Sun Yatsen’s
political philosophy and legacy helped bind the hostile parties together.
For the Chinese, World War II began in 1937 (the second Sino-Japanese War), when the Japanese occupied the major
cities of eastern China. After disastrous military defeats at Shanghai and Nanjing, the Nationalists relocated their
government a thousand miles west, out of reach of the Japanese ground forces.
By 1938, China had been divided into several puppet states under Japanese control; a CCP-controlled area in the
west, with its center in Yan’an; and an area in the southwest, centered around Chongqing in Sichuan Province,
controlled by Chiang Kai-shek and the KMT. The bombing of the US Pacific Fleet at Pearl Harbor on December 7,
1941, allowed the Japanese army to operate freely in French Indochina and Thailand, but it also gave Chiang the ally
he was hoping for: the United States. China, joining the United States, Britain, and Soviet Russia in their war against
the Axis nations, was now recognized as one of the Big Four powers.
對日抗戰與第二次國共合作
二十世紀三十年代,正當中國內部建設漸有起色之際,日本卻開始以軍事手段進犯中國領土。中國東北地區,是
滿清統治王朝的故土,自十七世紀清帝國開展之際,即為中國領土之一部。儘管日本與俄國皆在東北投資享有利
益,但雙方仍將該地區視為中國領土的一部分。然而,庚子拳亂後,俄國為了確保其在中東鐵路的利益,佔領了
東北一部分領土。日本對俄國在該地區高度地警覺,隨後觸發了兩國之間的戰爭,最後日本戰勝。此後,日本開
始在東北駐軍,並大量投資,西方列強則對此一態勢視而不見,原因之一,在於日本於鎮壓義和團之亂過程中,
曾扮演一重要角色,這讓西方列強體認到日本作為東北地區一股穩定力量的事實。
1931年9月18日,瀋陽地區發生爆炸,炸死許多當地的日本關東軍。日方宣稱中國軍隊故意開火,因而展開反擊。
清晨時刻,日軍已控制整個瀋陽以及市裡的軍火庫;到了當天晚上,日軍更佔領了中東鐵路沿線的所有城鎮。接下
來的六個月內,日軍已自東北南下進逼長城,翌年,整個東北地區已為日本人所扶持建立的滿洲國偽政權所統治。
1936年12月,張學良和西北軍閥楊虎城,以蔣介石未盡全力抗日為由,挾持蔣介石,是為 「西安事變」。蔣介石
最後獲釋後,國民黨與共產黨展開第二次國共合作,同心協力對抗日本。此時,孫中山的政治哲學與資產,得以
讓國、共雙方化敵為友。
對中國人而言,第二次世界大戰的爆發,始在1937年七七蘆溝橋事變,日軍開始大規模佔領華東沿海各重要城市。
國民政府經歷上海與南京慘烈的軍事失利後,經武漢撤往西南大後方。
1939年之際,整個中國已因日本侵華,而由數個不同政治體制與政權所統治;東北、華北、華中與華南由若干日
本幕後操縱的偽政權所控制;西北以延安為中心的陝、甘、寧地區,由中國共產黨所統治;而由蔣介石所領導的國
民政府,則以四川重慶為陪都,統領中國西南大後方。1941年12月7日,美國太平洋艦隊在珍珠港遭到日軍偷襲,
太平洋戰爭爆發,日軍在中南半島與東南亞等地區勢如破竹,然而另一方面,日美開戰同時也讓蔣介石得到他所盼
望的:與美國結為盟邦。此後,中、美、英、蘇成為同盟國,共同對抗軸心國,中國也開始被視為四強之一。
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The Sino-Japanese War and the Second United Front
ManCHuRia daiLy news, enthroneMent SuppLeMent, March 1934
daniel k. e. Ching collection, hoover institution archives
1934年溥儀登基成為滿洲國皇帝之新聞報導
to legitimize the state of Manchukuo in Manchuria, Japan approached puyi—the last Chinese emperor, who resigned in 1912 at age six after revolutionary
forces toppled the Qing dynasty—to become its emperor.
puyi agreed and in 1934 was crowned emperor; he soon realized, however, that he was merely a puppet to be made use of by the Japanese.
Striking into the period of new China, the SkY and earth iS
aLwaYS Bright and CLear (text in Chinese), circa 1937–1940
poster collection, hoover institution archives
由日本所扶持之中華民國臨時政府政治宣傳海報
propaganda of the Japanese-controlled collaborationist regime (the
provisional government of the republic of China).
對日抗戰與第二次國共合作
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The Sino-Japanese War and the Second United Front
refugeeS, august 1937
randall Chase gould papers, hoover institution archives
日本侵略上海引發逃亡潮
Japanese troops entered nanjing on december 13 to unleash, on soldiers and civilians alike, a storm of violence
and cruelty resulting in more than 200,000 deaths. foreign observers at the time estimated female rape victims at
20,000, with many dying after repeated assaults. robbery, wanton destruction, and arson left the city in ruins.
as part of the tens of millions of Chinese fleeing for their lives, refugees streamed in and out of Shanghai in the wake
of the Japanese invasion in august 1937. during the first months of the invasion, the Japanese appeared to be a
military juggernaut, but by mid-1938 their momentum had slowed and the war became a stalemate.
ChineSe MiLitarY and poLitiCaL LeaderS united againSt JapaneSe aggreSSion, undated
Joseph warren Stilwell papers, hoover institution archives
抗戰初期全中國軍政領袖政治畫報
the Chinese leaders in the poster include both nationalists and Communists.
對日抗戰與第二次國共合作
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The Sino-Japanese War and the Second United Front
Zhang xueLiang (1901–2001), undated
oliver todd papers, hoover institution archives
張學良像
general Zhang, the “Young Marshall,” was the
son of Zhang Zuolin (1875–1928), a powerful
bandit turned warlord who, before his death,
controlled Manchuria and northern China as far
as Beijing.
the Young Marshall, blaming the Japanese for
dynamiting the train that killed his father, tried to
curb Japanese interests in the area, which had
grown immensely since Japan defeated russia
in 1904. when ordered to campaign against the
Communists instead of the Japanese, whom he
saw as the real enemy, he refused to comply. he
then orchestrated Chiang kai-shek’s kidnapping.
Mao Zedong oration in Yan’an, circa 1937
nym wales papers, hoover institution archives
正在延安發表演說的毛澤東
nym wales, also known as helen foster Snow, was an american journalist who was in China in the 1930s and
reported on the developing revolution there. She, like her husband, edgar Snow, was never a member of the Chinese
or american Communist party but was sympathetic to the Chinese Communists. thus, she was one of the first
westerners to go into the “red areas” in China’s far northwest, where she befriended Communist Chinese leaders
including Mao Zedong and Zhou enlai.
對日抗戰與第二次國共合作
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CoMMuniSt and kuoMintang LeaderS, May 1937
nym wales papers, hoover institution archives
抗戰前夕國民黨中央考察團訪問延安
pictured (left to right): Ye Jianying, Shao hua, Zhu de, tu Sizong, Mao
Zedong, xiao Zhiping.
SurVeY of Land, BuiLdingS, and other weaLth in China, 1937–45
Japan. rikugun records,
hoover institution archives
日本關東軍在華土地財產調查報告
property seized by the Japanese during the Second Sino-Japanese war.
對日抗戰與第二次國共合作
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order appointing generaL StiLweLL Chief of Staff, headQuarterS
of the SupreMe CoMMander of the aLLied forCeS, China war theater, Chungking, april 24, 1942
Joseph warren Stilwell papers, hoover institution archives
蔣介石任命史迪威為中國戰區參謀長之任命狀
general Stilwell, through general george Marshall, requested that Chiang kai-shek give him the authority to
command the Chinese forces in Burma; Chiang agreed. when Stilwell flew into Lashio to take command, however, he
found the army commanders in constant radio contact with Chiang kai-shek, thus negating his authority.
Chiang kai-Shek and hiS wife with generaL StiLweLL, april 19, 1942
Joseph warren Stilwell papers, hoover institution archives
蔣介石夫婦與史迪威合影
Chiang kai-shek asked president roosevelt for a high-ranking uS general as his allied chief of staff. uS army chief of
staff george Marshall, rating Stilwell as his top corps commander, had originally assigned him to plan and command
the north african invasion. Because it was imperative to keep China in the war, however, Marshall assigned Stilwell to
China.
Stilwell had served three previous tours of duty in China, two as military attaché; was fluent in Chinese; and had
marched with the various Chinese armies in their battles against the Japanese invaders. Most important, he was well
acquainted with both nationalist and communist generals and politicians.
Stilwell took the assignment assuming that he would be in charge of the Chinese troops under his command. this,
however, was not the case, and the antagonism between Stilwell and Chiang grew. eventually Chiang requested that
Stilwell be replaced; general albert C. wedemeyer took over his position in late 1944.
對日抗戰與第二次國共合作
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Student deMonStrationS at xinan Lianhe daxue, kunMing, 1945
Steve thorpe photograph collection, hoover institution archives
雲南昆明西南聯大的學生示威運動
dissatisfied youth, critical of their parents and hostile to authority, mounted street demonstrations, sometimes
inspiring segments of the population to support them in boycotting foreign goods or demands for political and legal
reforms.
the Japanese invasion of Manchuria produced a torrent of student nationalist fervor, which reached its height in
december 1931, when an estimated five thousand students converged on nanjing to demand immediate resistance
to the aggressor.
during the Chinese civil war, anti-imperialist movements led by students were instrumental in discrediting the
kuomintang government and bringing the Communists to victory.
The Civil War and the Divided China Issue 國共內戰與兩岸分治
huang Zhen'S Long MarCh SketCheS,
CLiMBing the JiaJin MountainS
1934–1935
nym wales papers, hoover institution archives
長征時期黃鎮的素描
(see the full-frame version of this image on page 96)
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The Civil War and the Divided China Issue
After the end of World War II, the anticipated civil war between the Nationalists and the Communists resumed, despite
General George Marshall’s attempt to negotiate a coalition government. With the war over, Soviet forces flooded
into Manchuria, seizing Japanese positions and forcing the surrender of the 700,000 Japanese troops still stationed
in the region. Chiang Kai-shek realized that he lacked the resources to prevent the communist takeover of Manchuria
following the scheduled Soviet departure. The CCP, by contrast, was fully aware that the United States was on the side
of the Nationalist army. But by first securing the countryside—historically its base of support—the CCP defeated the
Nationalists within four years. On October 1, 1949, the People’s Republic of China (PRC) was founded.
In late 1949, having been almost totally destroyed by the CCP, Chiang Kai-shek and the last remnants of the
defeated Nationalist government relocated to Taiwan. On the island, the KMT declared Taipei the provisional
capital and tried to reinvent itself, under the leadership of Chiang Kai-shek, who remained president until his death
in 1975. The Republic of China (ROC) continued to adopt political philosophies from the West, resulting in the rise
of Taiwanese nationalism, as well as rapid economic development, urbanization, and gradual democratization.
The ROC, recognized as the sole legitimate government of both mainland China and Taiwan by many nations, had
been a founding member of the United Nations (UN) and one of the five permanent members of the Security Council.
In 1971, however, the ROC’s representation was replaced by the PRC via UN General Assembly Resolution 2758.
Sun Yat-sen remains revered among Chinese leaders both in Taiwan and in mainland China. In Taiwan, he is seen
as the Father of the ROC. On the mainland, Sun is regarded as the forerunner of the revolution and as a nationalist
and proto-socialist. Today, Sun’s major political ideology—the Three Principles of the People: nationalism,
democracy, and the people’s livelihood—occupies an important place in the rhetoric of both the KMT and the CCP,
although with different interpretations.
國共內戰與兩岸分治
第二次世界大戰結束後,儘管美國政府派遣馬歇爾將軍來華調停國共之爭,並試圖透過談判斡旋成立一個聯合政
府,然而此一調停最後以失敗告終,國民黨與共產黨之間的內戰,仍無可避免。日本宣告戰敗投降後,蘇聯大批
紅軍湧入中國東北,取代日本地位,並接收該地區高達七十萬的投降日軍與武器裝備。這時蔣介石意識到,蘇聯
紅軍一旦按照預定時程撤離後,他將缺乏足夠的資源來阻擋中國共產黨部隊控制東北。相較之下,共產黨充分體
認到,美國終究是站在國民黨這一邊。然而,藉由其向來立足基礎的農村地區逐漸包圍城市,共產黨在短短四年
內,打敗了國民黨。1949年10月1日,中華人民共和國於北京成立。
1949年底,蔣介石率領國民黨的殘存兵力,轉進台灣,台北為首都,在蔣介石的威權領導下,重新站穩腳跟,並
開始推動改造革新。蔣的領導,一直延續到1975年去世為止。中華民國政府採納西方的政治哲學,促使台灣式的
民族主義崛起,同時也帶來經濟起飛、城市現代化、與漸進式的民主化。
中華民國是聯合國的創始會員國之一,也是安全理事會五大常任理事國之一,在1949年以後得相當長一段時間
裡,它被國際上許多國家承認為代表全中國(包括台灣)唯一合法的政府。然而在1971年,此一情況有了重大變化,
根據當年聯合國大會所通過的第2758號決議案,中華民國的席位,被北京的中華人民共和國所取代。
直到今天,在台灣和中國大陸,孫中山的歷史地位依然倍受尊敬。在台灣,他被尊稱為「中華民國國父」,在中
國大陸,孫則被尊稱為「偉大革命先行者」,也是一位民族主義與社會主義者。時至今日,孫中山最重要的政治
思想理念「三民主義」——民族主義、民權主義、民生主義——依然在國民黨與共產黨的政治修辭中,扮演極為
重要的角色,儘管國共雙方對於三民主義的意函,仍存在著不同的解釋。
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huang Zhen’S Long MarCh SketCheS, 1934–1935
nym wales papers, hoover institution archives
長征時期黃鎮的素描
in late 1934, the red army began what would become known as the Long
March to search for a territorial base far from nationalist incursions and the
jurisdiction of local warlords. to avoid Chiang’s troops, they went far west,
then north almost to the Mongolian border, but still became engaged in many
skirmishes and battles along the way. in one year, the marchers traveled six
thousand miles, over the great Snowy Mountains, with peaks of 24,000 feet,
and across many rivers. of the close to 100,000 who started out, only a few
thousand reached Yan’an; many of those who did went on to occupy positions
of power and prestige. during the Long March, the forty-year-old Mao Zedong
emerged as the CCp’s political and military leader. it was at that time that the
talented Zhou enlai (1898–1976) became Mao’s confidant, careful not to
become a rival.
huang Zhen was a former envoy to the united States who helped plan the
1972 visit of president nixon, which led to a new era in Sino-american
diplomatic ties.
generaL george MarShaLL in China, 1946–1947
Jay Lovestone papers, hoover institution archives
戰後來華調停的馬歇爾將軍
from left to right: Zhou enlai, Marshall, Zhu de, Zhang Zhizhong, Mao Zedong, and Lin Bogu.
in december 1945, president harry truman appointed general george Marshall as his special envoy to China,
charging him with working out a cease-fire between the kMt and the CCp. a general truce followed, and a political
Consultative Conference, composed of delegates from both sides, met to agree on civilian and military issues.
when Marshall admitted defeat and left China in January 1947, wide-scale civil war broke out. although the final
communist victory took place on the battlefield, it was the multitude of economic problems, particularly inflation, that
also contributed to the nationalists’ downfall.
國共內戰與兩岸分治
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The Civil War and the Divided China Issue
ChineSe CoMMuniSt poLitiCaL Cartoon, "CeLeBrating
LiBeration, greeting ViCtorY," 1948
國共內戰期間中共政治畫報
SpeCiaL iSSue of the da ZHonG Ri Bao announCing the
CoMMuniSt'S CroSSing of the YangZi riVer, april 23, 1949
Zhongguo gong Chan dang issuances, hoover institution archives
1949年4月23日大眾日報刊登解放軍橫渡長江消息
國共內戰與兩岸分治
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oCtoBer 1, 1949, CeLeBrationS
poster collection, hoover institution archives
慶祝中華人民共和國建政紀念畫報
Chiang kai-Shek'S diarY, october 15 (weekly
review), 1949
Chiang kai-shek diaries, deposit, hoover institution
archives
蔣介石日記裡有關中共建政的記載
on learning that Mao Zedong had established a new
communist regime in Beijing with Madame Sun Yat-sen
as a vice chair, Chiang writes that "the soul of Sun Yatsen
in heaven would definitely feel uneasy about this.
國共內戰與兩岸分治
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The Civil War and the Divided China Issue
red guard poSter, 1966–76
Jan rowinski collection, ´ hoover institution archives
文化大革命期間紅衛兵畫報
the Cultural revolution (1966–76) was a mass mobilization of urban youth launched by Mao to renew the spirit of the Chinese revolution and cement his
place in history following the failure of the great Leap forward (1958–62). More than twenty million high school and college students, calling themselves the
red guards, responded to Mao’s call to “make revolution,” mounting vicious efforts to ferret out, denunciate, and persecute “class enemies.”
educated youth were also sent to work in the communes in the countryside, which Mao believed would ultimately create a new society with no gap among
urban and rural Chinese, laborers, and intellectuals. his vaunted initiatives to transform the nation, however, had disastrous consequences for China—
combined, the great Leap forward and the Cultural revolution claimed more than fifty million lives.
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Hoover's Collecting History 百年來胡佛研究所的檔案收藏
herBert hooVer to r.a.f. penroSe, 1899
r.a.f. penrose papers, hoover institution archives
1899年胡佛於天津致其美國友人信函,談及他在中國
工作、學習與生活情形
a rare letter written in 1899 by herbert hoover— then
a twenty-five-year-old Stanford graduate working as a
mining engineer in China—tells of studying the Chinese
language and history and observing the complex,
international politics of the region. in a letter to r.a.f.
penrose, he says, “i am now commanded to not leave
for long journeys for i am needed in advisatory [sic]
capacities generally so i am cheerfully kicking up my
heels studying Chinese—and Chinese politics.”
ChineSe doCuMentS arriVe hooVer LiBrarY,
kpix-tV, december 3, 1956
hoover institution records, hoover institution archives
1956年中國珍貴史料館藏抵達胡佛研究所情形
(see the full-frame version of this image on page 96)

Hoover's Collecting History
In 1899, twenty-five-year-old Herbert Hoover and his wife, Lou Henry, were living in Tianjin, China, where he was
comanager of the Kaiping mines. It was there that Hoover began to study Chinese language and history. In 1907
Hoover helped Stanford University historian Payson Treat buy books about China, especially its history, and in 1913
Hoover donated six hundred such books, some very rare, to Stanford University. In 1919 Hoover’s humanitarian
leadership in World War I led him to establish the Hoover War Collection, as it was then called, part of Stanford’s
main library.
After World War II, the Hoover Library and Archives, under the leadership of then-director Harold H. Fisher,
launched a program to collect comprehensive materials on contemporary China and Japan. In keeping with the
Institution’s mission, defined as the study of war, revolution, and peace, he established collecting guidelines under the
following rubrics: The collection would
Concentrate on “the causes and results of war rather than military operation”
Document “all types of revolutionary movement”
Encompass “the whole field of international relations—political, economic, cultural,
and the organization of peace”
In 1946, President Harry Truman appointed Hoover to coordinate worldwide efforts to relieve the great famine that
followed World War II. He visited thirty-nine countries, acquiring many valuable documents in the process. Chiang
Kai-shek’s government donated important materials on the Nationalists’ war against the Communists, and an old
friend of Hoover’s, Tang Shaoyi, who served as the first prime minister of the Chinese Republic in 1912, contributed
important records of earlier revolutionary actions.
With advisery assistance from Hoover and officials in the Department of State, the Hoover Institution established
an entire network of dedicated people in China and Japan, most of whom were Stanford alumni or former Stanford
professors, to contribute to the program. The result of their work is a vast collection documenting the political and
economic developments in that country since the founding of the Chinese Republic in 1911. In the following decades
Chinese and non-Chinese public servants, military officers, engineers, journalists, scholars, and the like began
donating their private papers and other materials to the Hoover Institution, where they have been preserved and are
available to researchers.
百年來胡佛研究所的檔案收藏
1899年,當時年僅二十五歲的胡佛,是開平煤礦的合伙經理人,他與妻子露亨利住在中國天津。此時,胡佛學習
中國語言和歷史。1907年,胡佛帮助史丹佛大學歷史學家特理特蒐羅與中國有關、特别是歷史方面的書籍。1913
年,胡佛捐贈了六百本此類罕見書籍給史丹佛大學。1919年,在第一次世界大戰人道主義倡導人士的影響下,胡
佛創立了「胡佛戰爭史料館藏」,這也是史丹佛大學總圖書館當時的主要館藏之一。
二次大戰結束後,在當時胡佛檔案館東亞館藏部主任費希爾的領導下,胡佛圖書館與檔案館推動一項重要計畫,
旨在廣泛搜集當代中國與日本相關史料。該計畫基於胡佛研究所的創立宗旨,界定史料收藏為環繞於戰爭、革命
與和平課題相關研究上。以下是費希爾所確立的史料搜藏方針:
致力搜集的史料,應在於「戰爭發生的原因與結果,而非軍事行動本身」,且應大力搜集「各式各樣的革命運動
相關文獻,同時這些史料還應包括所有國際關係領域,即政治、經濟、文化與和平組織等相關材料。
1946年,美國總統杜魯門授命胡佛搜羅二次戰後全世界努力緩解大饑荒的相關材料。為此,胡佛遊歷三十九個國
家,在訪問旅行途中獲得許多極有價值的文獻。戰後蔣介石所領導的中華民國政府,捐贈了不少反共的戰爭資料,
而曾於1911年擔任中華民國首任内閣總理的唐紹儀,則捐赠了早期中國革命活动的重要資料。
在胡佛與當時國務院部份官員的建議之下,胡佛研究所發動史丹佛大學的校友,以及曾經在史丹佛大學任教的學
者們,在中國和日本建立了完整的資料搜集網路。此一努力頗有成效,胡佛研究所得以收藏大量1911年中華民國
成立以來有關政治與經濟發展的文獻資料。接下來數十年裡,中華民國與其他國家的政府官員、軍事將領、工程
師、記者、學者等,紛紛將其私人文獻與資料捐贈給胡佛研究所。這些珍貴的歷史材料得到有效保存,並且向全
世界讀者開放。
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A Century of Change: China 1911–2011
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Chapter Opener Images
(Full-frame versions of images that appear on each chapter opening page)
Page 9
the emPIre and Its dIscontents
滿清傾覆前的局勢
Page 21
reformers and revolutIonarIes
革命與立憲的對峙
Page 33
the wuchang uPrIsIng and the fall of a dynasty
武昌起義與滿清覆亡
Page 43
the BIrth of a rePuBlIc
民國肇建
96 Hoover Institution
Page 55
the warlord era and the fIrst unIted front
軍閥割據與第一次國共合作
Page 69
the sIno-JaPanese war and the second unIted front
對日抗戰與第二次國共合作
Page 83
the cIvIl war and the dIvIded chIna Issue
國共內戰與兩岸分治
Page 93
hoover's collectIng hIstory
百年來胡佛研究所的檔案收藏