The Unknown City: Contesting Architecture and Social Space
The Unknown City: Contesting Architecture and Social Space The Unknown City: Contesting Architecture and Social Space
Living in Wythenshawe largest in the world) spread over what had once been scattered farmsteads, small hamlets, and open country. But the transformation in the social relations that constructed this space was if anything even greater. Relations of deference and of knowing one’s place in fixed social hierarchies were engulfed by a municipal building project whose whole dynamic sprang from an assertion of rights: the rights of working-class people to healthy, quality housing. The very physical construction of the new estate asserted the social principles for which it stood. It was the birth of a new social place: a municipal garden city (indeed, Wythenshawe is said to have been the first ever). The new architecture of quality cottage housing for the working class was also a new architecture of social relations. In recent years, the estate has once again begun to be transformed by wider social projects. The national shift to privatization has largely been resisted here. But it has weakened the hold of municipal socialism, the commitments to planning, and guaranteed levels of social provision. This time the adjustment between built form and social relations has been more nuanced, more varied. There has been no sweeping rebuilding, but the shift in social climate has reworked both physical detail and social import. The scattered sales of houses have changed both the physical face and the social meaning and feel of the place. The same houses have signs now of their private ownership—add-on porches, fancy brickwork, different front doors. A slight physical modification bears witness to a little social revolution: a new 28.2
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Living in Wythenshawe<br />
largest in the world) spread over what had once been scattered farmsteads,<br />
small hamlets, <strong>and</strong> open country. But the transformation in the social relations<br />
that constructed this space was if anything even greater. Relations of<br />
deference <strong>and</strong> of knowing one’s place in fixed social hierarchies were engulfed<br />
by a municipal building project whose whole dynamic sprang from<br />
an assertion of rights: the rights of working-class people to healthy, quality<br />
housing. <strong>The</strong> very physical construction of the new estate asserted the social<br />
principles for which it stood. It was the birth of a new social place: a municipal<br />
garden city (indeed, Wythenshawe is said to have been the first ever).<br />
<strong>The</strong> new architecture of quality cottage housing for the working class was<br />
also a new architecture of social relations.<br />
In recent years, the estate has once again begun to be transformed<br />
by wider social projects. <strong>The</strong> national shift to privatization has largely been<br />
resisted here. But it has weakened the hold of municipal socialism, the commitments<br />
to planning, <strong>and</strong> guaranteed levels of social provision. This time<br />
the adjustment between built form <strong>and</strong> social relations has been more nuanced,<br />
more varied. <strong>The</strong>re has been no sweeping rebuilding, but the shift in<br />
social climate has reworked both physical detail <strong>and</strong> social import. <strong>The</strong> scattered<br />
sales of houses have changed both the physical face <strong>and</strong> the social<br />
meaning <strong>and</strong> feel of the place. <strong>The</strong> same houses have signs now of their private<br />
ownership—add-on porches, fancy brickwork, different front doors. A<br />
slight physical modification bears witness to a little social revolution: a new<br />
28.2