The Unknown City: Contesting Architecture and Social Space
The Unknown City: Contesting Architecture and Social Space The Unknown City: Contesting Architecture and Social Space
Architecture and the City tions between parts that nobody has thought about. And hence my interest in a program which extended the idea of the event and which is very strong in our last two or three buildings, where I feel much more like a person who has designed conditions for an event to take place, rather than someone who conditions the design or does packaging. I am not interested in packaging. WM: Does any of this come from living in New York, where nothing ever seems to get built, where architects never get to do an urban project but only renovations—somehow only being able to make smaller decisions in the urban fabric? BT: I would have a hard time responding to this question, because I have been here for such a long time that I am sure that there are certain things, or awarenesses, that you develop because of the place of your residence. If I think of the Parc de la Villette in Paris, that was a sort of tabula rasa project, although there were a number of things that already existed on that site. By choosing the smallest common denominator, the red cube, for example, that was a way to be able to insert oneself within the other huge structures— industrial slaughterhouses, canal, and urban highway. The smallest common denominator was such that it could suddenly be unbelievably strong by the sheer strength of repetition: because it is such a different site whether you come in from the museum, or the other side, or come in from the hotel site, etc. Yes, each has different scales, different perceptions. And that was a particularly conscious structure—lines of movement, paths and covered galleries, and so on. The point was that one was setting conditions for a variety of uses and especially something that I find extremely important with the work, namely the possible appropriation of the work by others. I am interested in the old Situationist word détournement, which is a form of disruption, subversion. I am not as interested in operating the détournement as in operating the condition of the détournement. WM: Are any of the buildings that came after your follies, like the public housing at La Villette, Paris, in the spirit of détournement? BT: No, that is another story. The slaughterhouse refit, and the public housing, and the transformation into the City of Science came before I arrived. Everything else came after; things like the rock concert arena or the City of Music building were very much a part of my role as master planner for that whole area. The housing out there was a political gesture. Within the Socialist government of the time there were unbelievable tensions between different factions: the cultural faction, the hard-core social faction, and the social housing faction, who had set 10,000 housing units at La Villette, which were of course just multiplied by the square footage, which meant there would be
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<strong>Architecture</strong> <strong>and</strong> the <strong>City</strong><br />
tions between parts that nobody has thought about. And hence my interest<br />
in a program which extended the idea of the event <strong>and</strong> which is very strong<br />
in our last two or three buildings, where I feel much more like a person who<br />
has designed conditions for an event to take place, rather than someone who<br />
conditions the design or does packaging. I am not interested in packaging.<br />
WM: Does any of this come from living in New York, where nothing ever<br />
seems to get built, where architects never get to do an urban project but only<br />
renovations—somehow only being able to make smaller decisions in the urban<br />
fabric?<br />
BT: I would have a hard time responding to this question, because I have<br />
been here for such a long time that I am sure that there are certain things,<br />
or awarenesses, that you develop because of the place of your residence. If<br />
I think of the Parc de la Villette in Paris, that was a sort of tabula rasa project,<br />
although there were a number of things that already existed on that site.<br />
By choosing the smallest common denominator, the red cube, for example,<br />
that was a way to be able to insert oneself within the other huge structures—<br />
industrial slaughterhouses, canal, <strong>and</strong> urban highway. <strong>The</strong> smallest common<br />
denominator was such that it could suddenly be unbelievably strong by the<br />
sheer strength of repetition: because it is such a different site whether you<br />
come in from the museum, or the other side, or come in from the hotel site,<br />
etc. Yes, each has different scales, different perceptions. And that was a particularly<br />
conscious structure—lines of movement, paths <strong>and</strong> covered galleries,<br />
<strong>and</strong> so on. <strong>The</strong> point was that one was setting conditions for a variety<br />
of uses <strong>and</strong> especially something that I find extremely important with the<br />
work, namely the possible appropriation of the work by others. I am interested<br />
in the old Situationist word détournement, which is a form of disruption,<br />
subversion. I am not as interested in operating the détournement as in<br />
operating the condition of the détournement.<br />
WM: Are any of the buildings that came after your follies, like the public<br />
housing at La Villette, Paris, in the spirit of détournement?<br />
BT: No, that is another story. <strong>The</strong> slaughterhouse refit, <strong>and</strong> the public housing,<br />
<strong>and</strong> the transformation into the <strong>City</strong> of Science came before I arrived.<br />
Everything else came after; things like the rock concert arena or the <strong>City</strong> of<br />
Music building were very much a part of my role as master planner for that<br />
whole area. <strong>The</strong> housing out there was a political gesture. Within the <strong>Social</strong>ist<br />
government of the time there were unbelievable tensions between different<br />
factions: the cultural faction, the hard-core social faction, <strong>and</strong> the social<br />
housing faction, who had set 10,000 housing units at La Villette, which were<br />
of course just multiplied by the square footage, which meant there would be