The Unknown City: Contesting Architecture and Social Space
The Unknown City: Contesting Architecture and Social Space The Unknown City: Contesting Architecture and Social Space
The West End of Victorian London is normally understood as the center of the world of work and of institutions of power, “the masculine domain of modern, public, urban life” from which women were excluded. 1 But viewed in another way, through the experience of the independent, middle-class women who lived and worked there, this highly masculinized terrain can be remapped as a site of women’s buildings and places within the urban center, associated with the social networks, alliances, and organizations of the nineteenth-century women’s movement. This focus on a single strand is not intended to overshadow other readings of the sexed city, but instead adds another layer to the meanings of its diverse gendered spaces and their occupants. Between 1850 and 1900, members of Victorian women’s groups and circles experienced and reconceived “London’s heavily patriarchal public and private spheres” in new ways that offered women opportunities for “control over their social actions and identity.” 2 Normally, the identity of Victorian women was closely bound up in the home and their removal from public life. The “ideal divide” 3 that separated the legitimate spheres of men and women was deeply drawn between the public (masculine) world of remuneration, work, and recognition and the private, (feminine) domestic realm of home and family responsibilities, which were undertaken for love rather than money. Ideologically, the stakes were high; social stability, the good order of society, and even human happiness were perceived to be dependent on woman’s presence in the home. 4 At midcentury, middle-class woman’s place in the home distinguished respectable femininity in opposition to the prostitute, the fallen woman of the streets, whom Henry Mayhew called the “public woman.” 5 But in part responding to changing connotations of public in relation to woman and in part constituting new definitions of public and woman, independent middle-class women in London were able to take up public roles without losing respectability and at the same time change the nature of home and domesticity to include their work. Leaders of the women’s movement who lived in London, such as Barbara Leigh Smith Bodichon, Dr. Elizabeth Garrett Anderson, Emily Davies, Emily Faithfull, and Millicent Fawcett, were able to build identities as respectable women with roles and activities linked to the public realm. Working from home or in premises nearby, philanthropists, reformers, and professionals used their London homes as political bases from which to address the wider world of public affairs. This juxtaposition of home and work made the home a political space in which social initiatives germinated and developed. As we shall see, feminists such as Emmeline Pankhurst and Barbara Bodichon adapted their family homes for meetings and other events associated with women’s rights, while the offices of related women’s organizations, clubs, and restaurants
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<strong>The</strong> West End of Victorian London is normally understood as the center of the<br />
world of work <strong>and</strong> of institutions of power, “the masculine domain of modern,<br />
public, urban life” from which women were excluded. 1 But viewed in another<br />
way, through the experience of the independent, middle-class women<br />
who lived <strong>and</strong> worked there, this highly masculinized terrain can<br />
be remapped as a site of women’s buildings <strong>and</strong> places within the urban center,<br />
associated with the social networks, alliances, <strong>and</strong> organizations of the<br />
nineteenth-century women’s movement. This focus on a single str<strong>and</strong> is not<br />
intended to overshadow other readings of the sexed city, but instead adds another<br />
layer to the meanings of its diverse gendered spaces <strong>and</strong> their occupants.<br />
Between 1850 <strong>and</strong> 1900, members of Victorian women’s groups<br />
<strong>and</strong> circles experienced <strong>and</strong> reconceived “London’s heavily patriarchal public<br />
<strong>and</strong> private spheres” in new ways that offered women opportunities for<br />
“control over their social actions <strong>and</strong> identity.” 2 Normally, the identity of<br />
Victorian women was closely bound up in the home <strong>and</strong> their removal from<br />
public life. <strong>The</strong> “ideal divide” 3 that separated the legitimate spheres of men<br />
<strong>and</strong> women was deeply drawn between the public (masculine) world of remuneration,<br />
work, <strong>and</strong> recognition <strong>and</strong> the private, (feminine) domestic<br />
realm of home <strong>and</strong> family responsibilities, which were undertaken for love<br />
rather than money. Ideologically, the stakes were high; social stability, the<br />
good order of society, <strong>and</strong> even human happiness were perceived to be dependent<br />
on woman’s presence in the home. 4<br />
At midcentury, middle-class woman’s place in the home distinguished<br />
respectable femininity in opposition to the prostitute, the fallen<br />
woman of the streets, whom Henry Mayhew called the “public woman.” 5 But<br />
in part responding to changing connotations of public in relation to woman<br />
<strong>and</strong> in part constituting new definitions of public <strong>and</strong> woman, independent<br />
middle-class women in London were able to take up public roles without losing<br />
respectability <strong>and</strong> at the same time change the nature of home <strong>and</strong> domesticity<br />
to include their work. Leaders of the women’s movement who lived<br />
in London, such as Barbara Leigh Smith Bodichon, Dr. Elizabeth Garrett Anderson,<br />
Emily Davies, Emily Faithfull, <strong>and</strong> Millicent Fawcett, were able to<br />
build identities as respectable women with roles <strong>and</strong> activities linked to the<br />
public realm. Working from home or in premises nearby, philanthropists, reformers,<br />
<strong>and</strong> professionals used their London homes as political bases from<br />
which to address the wider world of public affairs.<br />
This juxtaposition of home <strong>and</strong> work made the home a political<br />
space in which social initiatives germinated <strong>and</strong> developed. As we shall see,<br />
feminists such as Emmeline Pankhurst <strong>and</strong> Barbara Bodichon adapted their<br />
family homes for meetings <strong>and</strong> other events associated with women’s rights,<br />
while the offices of related women’s organizations, clubs, <strong>and</strong> restaurants