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The Unknown City: Contesting Architecture and Social Space

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Part II: Filtering Tactics<br />

290<br />

16<br />

291<br />

Edward W. Soja<br />

promise to return the money tomorrow. (I have reason to believe<br />

that the two use hard drugs as well. <strong>The</strong>y are often to be seen at the<br />

“Bridge of Pills,” a spot near my home where hard drugs change<br />

h<strong>and</strong>s. <strong>The</strong>ir hollow cheeked faces show small inflammations.)<br />

Hashish <strong>and</strong> marijuana are offered here in prepacked quantities; in<br />

small bags worth ten or 25 guilders. <strong>The</strong> ten guilder bags appear to<br />

be the most popular. <strong>The</strong> shop owner turns to me <strong>and</strong> says, “Hey,<br />

tell me, what do you think is the best coffee shop around?” A difficult<br />

question. 4<br />

My journey with Jansen opened up many spaces I would never have seen on my<br />

own, or with any other tour guide. Thank you, Adrian. Here’s to your health.<br />

Back on Spuistraat, the panorama being explored seems to concentrate<br />

<strong>and</strong> distill the spectrum of forces that have creatively rejuvenated the<br />

residential life of the Centrum <strong>and</strong> preserved its anxiety-inducing overvloed<br />

(superabundance, literally “overflood”) of urban riches. At the center of this<br />

rejuvenation has been the squatter movement, which has probably etched<br />

itself more deeply into the urban built environment of Amsterdam than of<br />

any other inner city in the world. To many of its most radical leaders, the<br />

movement today seems to be in retreat, deflected if not co-opted entirely by<br />

an embracing civic tolerance. But it has been this slightly repressive tolerance<br />

that has kept open the competitive channels for alternative housing<br />

<strong>and</strong> countercultural lifestyles, not only for the student population of today<br />

but for other age groups as well. It has also shaped, in distinctive ways, the<br />

more “acceptable” gentrification process <strong>and</strong> helped it contribute to the diversity<br />

of the Centrum rather than to its homogenization, although this<br />

struggle is clearly not yet over.<br />

This contemporary residential rejuvenation of Amsterdam requires<br />

some geohistorical explanation. Decentralization in the 1930s began emptying<br />

the inner city of offices <strong>and</strong> manufacturing employment, <strong>and</strong> postwar<br />

suburbanization continued the process in a heightened flow of residential<br />

out-migration not just to the polycentered urban fringe but beyond, to such<br />

new towns as Almere <strong>and</strong> Lelystad, planned <strong>and</strong> plotted in hexagonal lattices<br />

on the reclaimed polders of isotropic Flevol<strong>and</strong>. As has happened in<br />

every century after the Golden Age, the continued life <strong>and</strong> liveliness of the<br />

Centrum was threatened by exogenous forces of modernization. A turning<br />

point, however, was reached in the 1960s, as cities exploded all over the<br />

world in often violent announcements that the postwar boom’s excesses<br />

were no longer tolerable to the underclasses of urban society. A contrapuntal<br />

process of urban restructuring was initiated almost everywhere in an effort<br />

to control the spreading unrest <strong>and</strong> to shift economic gears so that the<br />

expansionary capitalist momentum might be recovered.

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