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The Unknown City: Contesting Architecture and Social Space

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<strong>The</strong> Prints of José Guadalupe Posada<br />

urban in their morphology. Colonial order results from the conquest of an<br />

alien <strong>and</strong> hostile world, a conquest that is first military <strong>and</strong> then cultural,<br />

<strong>and</strong> that always moves outward from the colonia, the more or less fortified<br />

plantation of the European order. This is a concentrated settlement, which,<br />

because it is defined as central rather than peripheral, must in some ways be<br />

urbanistic. All such plantation settlements are thus identical remakings of<br />

civilization: colonialism entails cloning. All the chartered settlements in<br />

the New World had the potential to repeat Mexico <strong>City</strong>, itself a utopia. 4 So<br />

the European vision of a functional, morphological, <strong>and</strong> moral hierarchy of<br />

settlement, with great cities at one end <strong>and</strong> villages <strong>and</strong> farmsteads at the<br />

other, did not apply to the Spanish New World.<br />

But this New World homogeneity between the capital <strong>and</strong> the<br />

pueblos had been breaking down for a century before Posada. In the second<br />

half of the eighteenth century, the vision of Mexico <strong>City</strong> as a utopia was<br />

quite suddenly replaced by one that gave it the modern urban vices of<br />

poverty, social <strong>and</strong> economic disorder, <strong>and</strong> disease. 5 Mexico <strong>City</strong> became the<br />

capital of a recognized nation-state in 1821: but a half century of invasions<br />

<strong>and</strong> annexations, <strong>and</strong> of civil wars over the control <strong>and</strong> role of the capital,<br />

delayed the emergence of successful representations of Mexico <strong>City</strong> as metropolis.<br />

<strong>The</strong> first half century of independence also eroded the corporate<br />

status of the pueblos, which had given them a stable civil existence, <strong>and</strong> increased<br />

the competitive pressure on pueblo culture from hacienda-based<br />

agribusiness. <strong>The</strong> pueblo had for the most part long ceased to be a bridgehead<br />

for a cultural conquest; it had become a settlement in relationships<br />

with other similar settlements, in competition with another form of rural<br />

settlement <strong>and</strong> exploitation, <strong>and</strong> in symbiotic contact with regional urban<br />

centers <strong>and</strong> even with the national capital.<br />

In the last quarter of the nineteenth century a range of influential<br />

cultural forms, produced in Mexico <strong>City</strong> for the elites living there, came to<br />

represent the relationship between the capital <strong>and</strong> the rest of Mexico in ways<br />

that resembled the country-city division familiar to the cultural world centered<br />

on Western European cities. Such articulations of this new version of<br />

urban culture <strong>and</strong> its relationship with a rural “other” include the range of<br />

satirical <strong>and</strong> “society” illustrated periodicals produced in Mexico after<br />

1880, the celebrated l<strong>and</strong>scape paintings of Mexico <strong>City</strong> in its valley produced<br />

by José Maria Velasco, <strong>and</strong> the spectacular town planning of the Paseo<br />

de la Reforma, a boulevard that linked the edge of the old city with what<br />

emerged as a recreational park, zoo, <strong>and</strong> observatory, in the former viceregal<br />

palace/Aztec ceremonial site of Chapultepec.

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