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The Unknown City: Contesting Architecture and Social Space

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Archaeologists love rubbish. <strong>The</strong> spoil heaps produced by human settlements<br />

are a crucial source of information about material culture, the relationship<br />

between human aggregates <strong>and</strong> the material world: the chicken<br />

bones, the broken pots, <strong>and</strong> the ab<strong>and</strong>oned half-made tools are made strange<br />

by their miraculous resurrection, but also evoke the utterly familiar experience<br />

of time wasted <strong>and</strong> things spoiled. <strong>The</strong> same goes for the archaeology<br />

of cultural constructions such as luxury or worthlessness or the exotic; the<br />

cultural dynamics of the lost city, in both its strangeness <strong>and</strong> its familiarity,<br />

can be reconstructed only through the study of its cultural rubbish. Historians<br />

of art <strong>and</strong> architecture, <strong>and</strong> even of urban form, have tended to study<br />

those aspects of the workings of the lost city that have survived precisely because<br />

they were made or received not as rubbish but as art. This chapter uses<br />

one particular form of rubbish produced by the modern or modernizing city,<br />

popular prints, to discuss some aspects of the construction <strong>and</strong> maintenance<br />

of vital forms of urban culture, such as difference <strong>and</strong> anxiety. For more than<br />

a century, almost all printed pictures of things have been so cheap <strong>and</strong> plentiful<br />

that they have been consumed as disposable in the developed world.<br />

Some of them, I have argued, have been produced <strong>and</strong> consumed specifically<br />

as rubbish; this has been a constitutive aspect of modernity.<br />

I concentrate here on the role of printed pictures in the developing<br />

relationship between nation building, class formation, <strong>and</strong> popular culture,<br />

a focus that necessitates some close discussion of iconography <strong>and</strong> the nature<br />

of the commodities concerned. <strong>The</strong> prints are associated with the name of<br />

José Guadalupe Posada, who was born in 1852. Posada worked as an illustrator<br />

for periodicals, books, songsheets, <strong>and</strong> whatever else he was asked to<br />

do; he died in 1913, the third year of Mexico’s protracted <strong>and</strong> destructive, but<br />

largely agrarian, Revolution. 1 Posada’s response to the dem<strong>and</strong>s of representing<br />

urban existence varied with his client. 2 In illustrations for upmarket periodicals,<br />

Posada worked within an ideology of the city as a space of pleasure,<br />

spectacle, <strong>and</strong> consumption. But Posada had other clients, including the<br />

dominant producer of single-sheet imagery <strong>and</strong> cheap pamphlet literature,<br />

Antonio Vanegas Arroyo. He printed <strong>and</strong> published many different sorts of<br />

object: street-sold broadsheets, religious imagery, sheets to celebrate the days<br />

of the dead, <strong>and</strong> small paperbound pamphlets of various kinds, from songbooks<br />

to childrens’ stories to cookbooks. He printed newspapers, too.<br />

Typically, modernist imagery <strong>and</strong> modernist ideology, inheriting<br />

<strong>and</strong> developing a long Western tradition, emphasize the difference between<br />

life in the city <strong>and</strong> in the country. 3 This mutually defining pair has been<br />

loaded with changing moral, aesthetic, <strong>and</strong> political baggage, which has<br />

tended to ensure that the evolving difference between the urban <strong>and</strong> the<br />

rural has always been both clear <strong>and</strong> of fundamental cultural significance in

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