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The Unknown City: Contesting Architecture and Social Space

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Part I: Filters<br />

164<br />

9<br />

165<br />

Shirley Wong<br />

the city. 12 <strong>The</strong> accommodation for Chinese servants was down in the basement,<br />

separated from the European staff’s living quarters. 13<br />

Division within the European staff according to rank <strong>and</strong> position<br />

was also expressed in the horizontal layout of the plan. <strong>The</strong>re was a close correlation<br />

between depth <strong>and</strong> seniority: the further one proceeded from the<br />

main entrance at Queen’s Road, the nearer one approached the core of power.<br />

<strong>The</strong> chief manager’s office was right at the end of the east side of the corridor,<br />

opposite the boardroom. Next door was the office of the submanager,<br />

the second man from the top of the power structure. Adjacent to the submanager’s<br />

office was the correspondents’ room, where the “semi-seniors”<br />

such as the assistant chief accountant <strong>and</strong> subaccountant worked. This room<br />

was linked by a passage to the east side of the general office in the banking<br />

hall where the European junior clerks were, but it was also separated from<br />

that general office by the strong room. <strong>The</strong> gap between the junior staff <strong>and</strong><br />

the senior staff could not be transgressed, <strong>and</strong> there was probably no better<br />

way to maintain this gap than by the physical interposition of the strong<br />

room, which was built with walls 2.5 feet thick <strong>and</strong> equipped with fire- <strong>and</strong><br />

burglar-proof doors. 14<br />

Class identity was also reinforced by the interior furnishings. <strong>The</strong><br />

marble fireplaces in the bedrooms reminded the European staff of their<br />

newly acquired status <strong>and</strong> the gr<strong>and</strong>eur that came with it. <strong>The</strong> electric bells<br />

fitted in all rooms signified the luxurious lifestyle built on the services provided<br />

by an abundant supply of local servants. Finally, there was also a gr<strong>and</strong><br />

staircase linking the residential quarters <strong>and</strong> the ground floor, <strong>and</strong> the very<br />

act of ascending it fostered an elevated self-image.<br />

Another outward sign of class consciousness was the display of<br />

wealth. An extraordinary degree of conspicuous consumption was found<br />

among the expatriate community in nineteenth-century Hong Kong, manifested<br />

particularly in their housing. Victoria, the European commercial sector<br />

of Hong Kong, was called “the city of palaces” in the 1880s because of<br />

its extensive hongs <strong>and</strong> elegant residences, <strong>and</strong> Governor William Des Voeux<br />

(1887–1891) pointed out that the city “savoured more of fashion <strong>and</strong> expenditure”<br />

than any other colony he had seen. 15<br />

<strong>The</strong> Hongkong Bank headquarters was built in keeping with the<br />

general extravagant style of the city as a whole. <strong>The</strong> very high specification<br />

of the materials used included granite facing for the whole building <strong>and</strong><br />

solid granite columns throughout carved into the Doric, Corinthian, <strong>and</strong><br />

Composite orders. Teak also appeared extensively in architraves <strong>and</strong> paneling.<br />

16 Although granite <strong>and</strong> teak were widely used in prominent public<br />

buildings in nineteenth-century Hong Kong, here the intricacy of their<br />

decoration <strong>and</strong> their sheer quantity clearly indicated that cost was not to be

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