The Unknown City: Contesting Architecture and Social Space
The Unknown City: Contesting Architecture and Social Space The Unknown City: Contesting Architecture and Social Space
Colonialism, Power, and the Hongkong and Shanghai Bank selected the winning entry. 4 The Hongkong and Shanghai Bank, founded in 1864, was in effect a merger of the banking interests of established agency houses. Its boardroom was an arena in which taipans from major merchant houses with a fair share in the China trade got together; ten different firms were represented in 1882, including all the big names, such as Jardines Matheson, Peninsular and Oriental, Gilman, Siemssen, David Sassoon and Sons, and Russell and Company. 5 Class Consciousness Among the social characteristics of the taipans that had a significant impact on the headquarters building was class consciousness. Very few Europeans in nineteenth-century Hong Kong came from a truly upper-class or aristocratic background. The majority were from the middle or lower middle classes, but they all enjoyed a social status and a standard of living far beyond anything they could command at home. 6 For most of the early traders and civil officers, their time in the East was merely a period of transition and their ventures in Hong Kong were only a means of moving up the social ladder back home. With the help of a hierarchy created by the colonial government and an unlimited supply of Chinese subjects, they detached themselves from their humble origins and acted out the kind of class position they aspired to obtain in Britain. 7 One of the outward signs of class consciousness was an emphasis on rank and position. Those who had gained high social status in the expatriate community wished to emphasize that they had no connections with those beneath them. The taipans despised the clerks and shopkeepers who, in turn, despised the seaman and soldiers. The merchants divided themselves into “seniors” and “juniors” and, except in business matters, maintained a wide distance between each other. 8 This concern was expressed through the vertical spatial division in the 1886 headquarters. Bedrooms on the first floor were allocated for junior European staff, 9 while those on the second floor were reserved for European staff with a higher ranking. All top-floor rooms enjoyed unobstructed views, as this floor was above the roof line of the adjacent buildings; not only were they “spacious, lofty and well lit,” 10 but some even had views across the harbor. Views from first-floor bedrooms, by contrast, were obstructed by the city hall to the east, by the Chartered Bank to the west, and by the dome over the banking hall to the south. No bedrooms on this floor had a praya view—only the drawing room and the dining room, 11 which were used by both the senior and junior European staff. The hierarchical vertical separation was taken to extreme in the residences of the managers who lived in separate houses in the Peak district of
- Page 330: (U.S. edition), p. 80, cites Dynami
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Colonialism, Power, <strong>and</strong> the Hongkong <strong>and</strong> Shanghai Bank<br />
selected the winning entry. 4 <strong>The</strong> Hongkong <strong>and</strong> Shanghai Bank, founded in<br />
1864, was in effect a merger of the banking interests of established agency<br />
houses. Its boardroom was an arena in which taipans from major merchant<br />
houses with a fair share in the China trade got together; ten different firms<br />
were represented in 1882, including all the big names, such as Jardines<br />
Matheson, Peninsular <strong>and</strong> Oriental, Gilman, Siemssen, David Sassoon <strong>and</strong><br />
Sons, <strong>and</strong> Russell <strong>and</strong> Company. 5<br />
Class Consciousness<br />
Among the social characteristics of the taipans that had a significant impact<br />
on the headquarters building was class consciousness. Very few Europeans<br />
in nineteenth-century Hong Kong came from a truly upper-class or aristocratic<br />
background. <strong>The</strong> majority were from the middle or lower middle<br />
classes, but they all enjoyed a social status <strong>and</strong> a st<strong>and</strong>ard of living far beyond<br />
anything they could comm<strong>and</strong> at home. 6 For most of the early traders<br />
<strong>and</strong> civil officers, their time in the East was merely a period of transition <strong>and</strong><br />
their ventures in Hong Kong were only a means of moving up the social ladder<br />
back home. With the help of a hierarchy created by the colonial government<br />
<strong>and</strong> an unlimited supply of Chinese subjects, they detached<br />
themselves from their humble origins <strong>and</strong> acted out the kind of class position<br />
they aspired to obtain in Britain. 7<br />
One of the outward signs of class consciousness was an emphasis on<br />
rank <strong>and</strong> position. Those who had gained high social status in the expatriate<br />
community wished to emphasize that they had no connections with<br />
those beneath them. <strong>The</strong> taipans despised the clerks <strong>and</strong> shopkeepers who,<br />
in turn, despised the seaman <strong>and</strong> soldiers. <strong>The</strong> merchants divided themselves<br />
into “seniors” <strong>and</strong> “juniors” <strong>and</strong>, except in business matters, maintained<br />
a wide distance between each other. 8<br />
This concern was expressed through the vertical spatial division in<br />
the 1886 headquarters. Bedrooms on the first floor were allocated for junior<br />
European staff, 9 while those on the second floor were reserved for European<br />
staff with a higher ranking. All top-floor rooms enjoyed unobstructed<br />
views, as this floor was above the roof line of the adjacent buildings; not only<br />
were they “spacious, lofty <strong>and</strong> well lit,” 10 but some even had views across the<br />
harbor. Views from first-floor bedrooms, by contrast, were obstructed by the<br />
city hall to the east, by the Chartered Bank to the west, <strong>and</strong> by the dome<br />
over the banking hall to the south. No bedrooms on this floor had a praya<br />
view—only the drawing room <strong>and</strong> the dining room, 11 which were used by<br />
both the senior <strong>and</strong> junior European staff.<br />
<strong>The</strong> hierarchical vertical separation was taken to extreme in the residences<br />
of the managers who lived in separate houses in the Peak district of