29.03.2013 Views

The Unknown City: Contesting Architecture and Social Space

The Unknown City: Contesting Architecture and Social Space

The Unknown City: Contesting Architecture and Social Space

SHOW MORE
SHOW LESS

You also want an ePaper? Increase the reach of your titles

YUMPU automatically turns print PDFs into web optimized ePapers that Google loves.

From Tribeca to Triburbia<br />

<strong>The</strong> Conventional Urban problems—housing, transportation, pollution,<br />

urban renewal <strong>and</strong> the like—were a major concern of only<br />

18% of those questioned <strong>and</strong> these were expressed disproportionately<br />

by the wealthier, better educated respondents. ... <strong>The</strong> issue<br />

which concerned more respondents than any other was variously<br />

stated—crime, violence, rebellious youth, racial tension, public<br />

immorality, delinquency. However stated, the common theme<br />

seemed to be a concern for improper behavior in public places. 8<br />

For many, the solution seemed obvious: bring back the middle<br />

class, with their higher incomes, at all costs. <strong>The</strong> middle classes, this theory<br />

argued, could be attracted back to the city by the now degraded but still<br />

high quality of blocks of nineteenth-century row houses. After they purchased<br />

<strong>and</strong> then upgraded the properties, the value of the city’s property<br />

would rise. In addition, this theory held that the middle class expected (as<br />

if the poor did not) <strong>and</strong> knew how to dem<strong>and</strong> better social services: schools,<br />

sanitation, <strong>and</strong> parks. 9 <strong>The</strong> city would be transformed back to its pre-1950s<br />

ideal of middle-class rectitude <strong>and</strong> order.<br />

When I was an architecture student at the University of California<br />

in the early 1970s, nearly every studio design project was a variation on this<br />

theme of “bringing the middle-income families back to the city.” <strong>The</strong> sites<br />

for our projects were usually in old, degraded working-class neighborhoods<br />

in San Francisco or Oakl<strong>and</strong>. Developers would visit our design reviews to<br />

tell us what the middle class wanted <strong>and</strong> students would spend time designing<br />

parking lots, swimming pools, <strong>and</strong> surrounding green spaces. Although<br />

these use schemes meant to displace the present occupants, this<br />

point was rarely discussed in studio. <strong>The</strong>se projects mirrored what our design<br />

professors were creating in San Francisco, one of the first cities in America<br />

to feel the effects of gentrification. In the 1950s New York <strong>City</strong> began<br />

to redevelop the Upper West Side, the largest area of ab<strong>and</strong>oned <strong>and</strong> dilapidated<br />

blocks in Manhattan. In order to accomplish this rebuilding it “presented<br />

a plan of park-like open spaces”: tearing down scores of old buildings<br />

would create a checkerboard of parks <strong>and</strong> gardens around once-elegant<br />

brownstone row houses. This “West Side Story” hoped to bring the middleclass<br />

suburbanites back from the leafy suburbs to a green city. 10 It would also<br />

have had the effect of quietly clearing the potentially high-priced l<strong>and</strong> of the<br />

undesirable poor. Fortunately, this plan was defeated by local opposition.<br />

Just as the post–Second World War suburbs were created <strong>and</strong> supported<br />

by government legislation like the Veterans Home Loan Guarantee<br />

program of 1944 (known as the “G.I. Bill”) <strong>and</strong> the Interstate Highway Act<br />

of 1956, 11 so too was New York suburbanized through government inter-

Hooray! Your file is uploaded and ready to be published.

Saved successfully!

Ooh no, something went wrong!