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The Unknown City: Contesting Architecture and Social Space

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In 1978 I moved to Tribeca, an intensely urban district of industrial <strong>and</strong> residential<br />

buildings in New York <strong>City</strong>. I still live on the same lower Manhattan<br />

street, but my neighborhood has been transformed into Triburbia, a<br />

district increasingly as suburban as any in the 100-mile wide metropolitan<br />

ring around New York <strong>City</strong>. <strong>The</strong> New York Times portrays it as a model of<br />

successful urban regeneration. <strong>The</strong> newspaper, which supports gentrification<br />

as it does local sports teams, claims that Triburbia is now one of the<br />

most popular districts in the region for affluent middle-class families who<br />

previously would have wanted to live only in the leafy outer edges of the<br />

city, perhaps in Connecticut or New Jersey: “Father’s a broker, mother’s a<br />

lawyer—who would have been looking for a $600,000 house in Short Hills<br />

[to] raise their family. But their work is in the city, [<strong>and</strong>] they have their<br />

schools nailed down . . . in the city.” 1 However, in its transformation to an<br />

affluent residential suburb, much of the dynamic urban life of the area has<br />

been lost. It was a neighborhood where artists’ studios, working-class tenements,<br />

small family-owned business, <strong>and</strong> busy garment factories coexisted.<br />

<strong>The</strong> edges of the district easily gave way to the surrounding Lower East Side<br />

working-class neighborhoods of Chinatown <strong>and</strong> Little Italy, an ab<strong>and</strong>oned<br />

waterfront, <strong>and</strong> similar blocks of nineteenth-century factory buildings.<br />

How <strong>and</strong> why my central-city neighborhood transformed itself is a<br />

classic case of gentrification, but one with a particularly contemporary<br />

twist. To walk its streets is to realize that it has learned <strong>and</strong> absorbed the<br />

“lessons that modern planners first mastered in the suburbs” <strong>and</strong> morphed<br />

into a “new concept of the city” 2 —a suburb in the city center. Lewis Mumford<br />

had hoped that low-density “garden cities” would lead to better living<br />

conditions for the majority of Americans. Further, he believed these suburbs<br />

would even influence the form of city. However, the development of<br />

American suburbs has produced a quite different residential condition <strong>and</strong><br />

influence on cities. Benefiting from the opportunities of the city, yet simultaneously<br />

repelled by its cacophonous life, the space <strong>and</strong> form of the traditional<br />

American suburb have almost always been isolated, fortified, <strong>and</strong><br />

affluent domestic communities focusing on a limited social condition—the<br />

nuclear family. More specifically, they represent a balance of private <strong>and</strong><br />

public, defined by what <strong>and</strong> who they include <strong>and</strong> exclude.<br />

But how did the American city get to the point where it began to<br />

mimic the suburb? When American cities began experiencing explosive<br />

growth in the nineteenth century through immigration, the city was not<br />

able to provide adequate services for this largely poor population. <strong>The</strong><br />

middle classes quickly tired of aiding the poor, except through occasional philanthropic<br />

charities (sometimes making a profit), <strong>and</strong> began moving outside<br />

the city’s taxing boundary. 3 Since at least 1815, the American middle class

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