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The Unknown City: Contesting Architecture and Social Space

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Part I: Filters<br />

40<br />

2<br />

41<br />

M. Christine Boyer<br />

portant places of the city were reduced to representational images that could<br />

st<strong>and</strong> in for places no longer explored by pedestrians or remembered from<br />

the details of direct encounters. This was a way of memorializing their loss<br />

without relying on nostalgic reenactments. A certain degree of comm<strong>and</strong><br />

<strong>and</strong> control over these unknown terrains could be effected, however, by narrating<br />

a series of technical facts <strong>and</strong> enumerating their characteristics. <strong>The</strong><br />

detective story <strong>and</strong> the police narrative are two such devices that can be used<br />

to focus on, underline, point out, <strong>and</strong> re-member parts of the city that have<br />

been covered over by mysterious events.<br />

Edward Dimendberg argues in “Film Noir <strong>and</strong> Urban <strong>Space</strong>” that<br />

the dominant visual trope of the genre of detective films known as film noir<br />

is the material deformation <strong>and</strong> visual dematerialization of a city that once<br />

held a physical center or series of experienced urban spaces. <strong>The</strong>se had been<br />

known to the pedestrian through numerous strolls <strong>and</strong> routines, or through<br />

representational stereotypes such as gridded street patterns, skyscraper skylines,<br />

public parks, <strong>and</strong> l<strong>and</strong>marks. Ab<strong>and</strong>oned for the suburbs, fragmented<br />

by urban renewal, <strong>and</strong> tormented by the automobile, the postwar American<br />

city was a place of discomfort <strong>and</strong> disorientation, a space that was increasingly<br />

unknown to the spectator. <strong>The</strong> dark city of film noir not only played<br />

on this experience of loss <strong>and</strong> anxiety but also offered a set of mapping procedures,<br />

synoptic views, <strong>and</strong> other communicating devices that presented<br />

an imaginary centered <strong>and</strong> legible city, thereby enabling the spectator to<br />

“cognitively map” or gain control over a place that was no longer experienced<br />

directly. 24<br />

Kevin Lynch uses the term “cognitive map” in <strong>The</strong> Image of the <strong>City</strong><br />

to explore how mental images not only affect a spectator’s sense of identity,<br />

well-being, <strong>and</strong> belonging to a particular city but also make the city memorable<br />

or imageable. 25 A good city form would have readable or identifiable<br />

nodes, paths, edges, districts, <strong>and</strong> l<strong>and</strong>marks. Such readable symbols form a<br />

cognitive map orienting spectators in space <strong>and</strong> time. Fredric Jameson argues<br />

that this cognitive framework enables a spectator to project an imaginary<br />

image of the total city, even when its image may appear broken in bits.<br />

<strong>The</strong> spectator is able subsequently to gain a sense of place <strong>and</strong> to construct<br />

a composed ensemble that, retained in memory, can be used to map <strong>and</strong><br />

remap the city along flexible <strong>and</strong> changing trajectories. 26 In postwar cities,<br />

however, the relationship between the spectator’s perception of the physical<br />

structure of the city had been shattered <strong>and</strong> a cognitive map could no longer<br />

be based on direct experience. Some other mediating device had to render<br />

the city readable. A cognitive map could be produced, for example, by the<br />

realistic images of cities depicted in films <strong>and</strong> photographs.

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