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The Unknown City: Contesting Architecture and Social Space

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Part IV: Tactical Filters<br />

500<br />

30<br />

501<br />

Patrick Wright<br />

native shopping centre it has made of a battered Victorian row of shops in<br />

nearby Bradbury Street (“A stone’s throw from the High Street but miles<br />

ahead in style”). <strong>The</strong>n, in sharp contrast to the unachieved <strong>and</strong> often corrupted<br />

universality of conventional State provision, come the differentiated<br />

organizations of the rainbow coalition: the Asian Centre; Africa House with<br />

its special Advice <strong>and</strong> Community Centre <strong>and</strong>, Sir Alfred please take note,<br />

a Supplementary School; Hackney Women’s Centre; Hackney Heatsavers;<br />

Hackney Pensioners. ...<br />

A passing think-tanker would be inclined to dismiss this collection<br />

of organizations as so many “QUALGOs” (‘Quasi-Autonomous Local Government<br />

Organizations’), political fronts accountable to no one <strong>and</strong> serving<br />

only to gouge the salaries of their well-connected <strong>and</strong> far-from-voluntary<br />

workers out of left-wing local councils. 9 <strong>The</strong>re were certainly problems with<br />

the way the GLC <strong>and</strong> other Labour councils funded voluntary organizations<br />

in the early eighties. Money went into agencies that simply couldn’t cope<br />

with it, <strong>and</strong> staff numbers were built up in a way that could hardly have been<br />

better designed if it was intended to kill off the old spirit of “Voluntary Action.”<br />

Voluntary committee members found themselves faced with an everincreasing<br />

complexity of work <strong>and</strong>, in some cases, with a highly articulate<br />

<strong>and</strong> educated staff who were full of talk about their own collective rights as<br />

employed workers. Some organizations disappeared into themselves spending<br />

years fighting out the problems of the world internally, while others<br />

proved incapable of achieving in practice anything like what they promised<br />

in words. 10 When these organizations failed there was just another body of<br />

articulate professionals widening the gap between the State <strong>and</strong> the citizenry<br />

it was meant to serve; but when they worked, groups that had been<br />

stuck at the margins without effective representation within the Welfare<br />

State were suddenly enfranchised <strong>and</strong> a whole agenda of new concerns,<br />

whether cultural, political, or ecological, was brought into focus. <strong>The</strong> rowdy<br />

exuberance that followed was quite something.<br />

Some of this energy continues to produce results in Dalston. <strong>The</strong><br />

Women’s Design Service has recently issued a well-received critical h<strong>and</strong>book<br />

on the design of public lavatories for women. <strong>The</strong> authors insist that<br />

“women do not conform to st<strong>and</strong>ard sizes or requirements,” comment on the<br />

“implications of the loss of the GLC for the state of London’s public toilets,”<br />

<strong>and</strong> disclose that “the building of women’s public toilets was linked to the<br />

growth of feminism in the late nineteenth century, since it was largely the<br />

increased visibility of women working in the capital that persuaded the authorities<br />

to make provision for them.” This admirable manual found quite a<br />

lot to praise in the underground lavatories left over from the Victorian era<br />

(although, as it points out, working conditions for the attendants could cer-

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