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The Unknown City: Contesting Architecture and Social Space

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Part IV: Tactical Filters<br />

484<br />

29<br />

485<br />

Patrick Wright<br />

of biopolitical assumption around, taking politics back into the body in one<br />

way or another. If you were a white man you’d have difficulty speaking at all,<br />

<strong>and</strong> should probably confine your utterances to programmatic statements of<br />

support for more authentically oppressed constituencies. I’m exaggerating<br />

here, but there were real problems that stood in the way of writing. Merely to<br />

describe another person, a café, or a market stall was to abuse them. And to<br />

fictionalize anyone else’s experience—well, that could seem like a crime<br />

against humanity. I couldn’t write about the city without breaking through all<br />

that, <strong>and</strong> a certain amount of querulousness <strong>and</strong> score settling was part of<br />

making that visible.<br />

<strong>The</strong>n there’s the opening chapter of the book—a scene which I fictionalized<br />

with the help of two leading right-wing political figures, Sir Alfred<br />

Sherman <strong>and</strong> Lord Keith Joseph. <strong>The</strong>y were both inclined to peddle fervid pictures<br />

of urban degeneration to justify Tory policy for the inner cities, <strong>and</strong> one<br />

of them at least liked to use Hackney as a reservoir of vile <strong>and</strong> rhetorically<br />

convenient images. I wanted to close the gap between the onlooking rhetoric<br />

<strong>and</strong> the urban reality it exploits. So I took these two figures—Joseph <strong>and</strong><br />

Sherman—<strong>and</strong> brought them into Dalston Junction, where I stuck them on<br />

soapboxes <strong>and</strong> had them giving speeches to an imaginary crowd. <strong>The</strong><br />

speeches did exist. <strong>The</strong>y were articles that Sherman <strong>and</strong> Joseph had written,<br />

so I wasn’t putting words into their mouths. Now some readers found this<br />

confusing. <strong>The</strong>re were one or two very irritated geographers, if I remember<br />

correctly, <strong>and</strong> some thought the scene, which I was actually careful to describe<br />

as a reverie, had really happened! But the main issue here for me is<br />

that cities are partly made of stories <strong>and</strong> fables, <strong>and</strong> a place like East London<br />

especially so. I wanted to keep that narrative quality in view, <strong>and</strong> to make<br />

my own use of it. Once you accept that the city is made of stories, of memories,<br />

myths, <strong>and</strong> traditions as well as concrete <strong>and</strong> roads <strong>and</strong> planning dispensations,<br />

then you have to accept that narrative <strong>and</strong> fiction are part of the<br />

urban texture—<strong>and</strong> you can use them without necessarily being untruthful.<br />

JK: To return to the question of method: while your immediate object of<br />

study—whether it be street, housing estate, or telephone box—is prominently<br />

positioned in the foreground of your discussion, clearly this discussion<br />

is informed by a profound acquaintance with cultural theory. Does the<br />

fact that you don’t wish to create a detailed apparatus of academic references,<br />

<strong>and</strong> that the subject is so grounded, imply a criticism of the normal usages<br />

of those ideas?<br />

PW: One of the advantages of not being employed in the university system is<br />

that you don’t have to encumber yourself with a wheelbarrow full of peerreviewed<br />

footnotes. I’ve read a lot of cultural theory, <strong>and</strong> I still keep an eye on

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