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Transformations on image schemas and cross-linguistic polysemy

Transformations on image schemas and cross-linguistic polysemy

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predicates (verb, prepositi<strong>on</strong>s, adverbs, <strong>and</strong> adjectives), since the <strong>image</strong> schema<br />

transformati<strong>on</strong>s accounted for in the literature relate to this group of semantic<br />

predicates.<br />

Following Langacker (1987: 183ff), a predicati<strong>on</strong> always has a certain scope<br />

(a base), described in terms of an experiential domain, or domain matrix (Croft<br />

1993) within which a substructure is selected for designati<strong>on</strong> (the profile). The<br />

meaning of finger tip can <strong>on</strong>ly be understood in relati<strong>on</strong> to finger (functi<strong>on</strong>ing as<br />

the characterizing domain of finger tip), which in turn can <strong>on</strong>ly be understood in<br />

relati<strong>on</strong> to h<strong>and</strong>, etc. Relating a <strong>linguistic</strong> expressi<strong>on</strong> to a domain thus delimits<br />

the possible interpretati<strong>on</strong>s of it. The profiled c<strong>on</strong>tent (“the designatum”) is<br />

furthermore always c<strong>on</strong>strued in a specific way. 2 As for relati<strong>on</strong>al predicates the<br />

c<strong>on</strong>strual amounts to – in the first place – the selecti<strong>on</strong> of the salient entities in<br />

the profile, Trajector (TR) <strong>and</strong> L<strong>and</strong>mark (LM), the former referring to the<br />

entity being assessed, the latter to the reference entitity (Langacker 1987: 231f).<br />

The choice of prepositi<strong>on</strong> (in vs. <strong>on</strong>) in (1) below amounts to the c<strong>on</strong>strual of the<br />

interc<strong>on</strong>necti<strong>on</strong>s between TR <strong>and</strong> LM, i.e. either the TR is c<strong>on</strong>ceptualized as<br />

“included” in the LM (in) or as located <strong>on</strong> the surface of the LM (<strong>on</strong>).<br />

(Henceforth TR is marked in bold whereas LM is underlined.)<br />

(1) The girl is sitting in / <strong>on</strong> the grass.<br />

Relati<strong>on</strong>al predicates fall into four subgroups depending <strong>on</strong> the c<strong>on</strong>ceptual<br />

relati<strong>on</strong> between TR <strong>and</strong> LM (Langacker 1987: 225). These are identificati<strong>on</strong><br />

(IDENT), separati<strong>on</strong> (SEP), associati<strong>on</strong> (ASSOC) <strong>and</strong> inclusi<strong>on</strong> (INCL).<br />

Transitive verbs typically instantiate a separati<strong>on</strong> relati<strong>on</strong>, i.e. TR is separate<br />

from LM, as in Lisa hit Carl. Reflexive verbs however express identificati<strong>on</strong> of<br />

TR <strong>and</strong> LM (He shaved himself). Further the locative prepositi<strong>on</strong> in denotes<br />

inclusi<strong>on</strong>, whereas <strong>on</strong> typically denotes associati<strong>on</strong>. The verb spread is an<br />

example of a predicate that may denote different c<strong>on</strong>ceptual relati<strong>on</strong>s in its<br />

different uses, cf. the sentences below.<br />

(2) a. Han spred gödseln i ett jämnt lager. (SEP)<br />

he spread manure-the in an even layer<br />

2 Compare also the reas<strong>on</strong>ing about the meaning of through in example (7) below.<br />

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