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Michael Kugelman<br />

some food wholesalers fear that <strong>India</strong> will flood <strong>Pakistan</strong>i markets with<br />

bananas and oranges, which already exist in abundance in <strong>Pakistan</strong>. 5<br />

Similar concerns were voiced in focus group consultations with business<br />

leaders overseen by Karachi’s Institute of Business Administration<br />

(IBA) in early 2012. Ishrat Husain, IBA’s dean and director, highlights<br />

the findings from these conversations in his essay. He writes of agricultural<br />

producers’ fears that they will be unable to compete with their <strong>India</strong>n<br />

counterparts, who in some states benefit from “hidden and implicit” subsidies<br />

(including for electricity to power tubewells). Meanwhile, car parts<br />

manufacturers are anxious that <strong>India</strong>n parts “will flood the <strong>Pakistan</strong>i market<br />

and decimate the local industry,” and that <strong>Pakistan</strong>i exports will suffer<br />

because <strong>India</strong>n car makers prefer domestically manufactured parts. Husain<br />

also reports unease within the pharmaceutical and chemical/synthetic<br />

fiber industries. The first sector believes that <strong>India</strong>’s abundance of raw materials<br />

and large economies of scale will “squeeze out” <strong>Pakistan</strong>i products,<br />

while the second predicts that <strong>India</strong>, with such a large surplus of fiber, will<br />

simply dump its excess in <strong>Pakistan</strong>i markets.<br />

Husain also discusses factors beyond sectoral opposition that risk derailing<br />

the <strong>Pakistan</strong>-<strong>India</strong> trade regime. First, opposition political parties<br />

in both countries, possibly aligned with “extremist elements,” could take<br />

virulently anti-trade positions that pressure Islamabad and New Delhi into<br />

supporting less trade-friendly policies. Second, the “losers lobby”—powerful<br />

industries in both nations that feel threatened by greater trade—<br />

could prevail on their governments to impose retaliatory trade measures.<br />

Finally, the powerful <strong>Pakistan</strong>i and <strong>India</strong>n media could take up the cause<br />

of smaller industries that suffer from trade liberalization, and “create such<br />

venom that trade flows could be set back.” Given these risks, Husain concludes,<br />

it is essential that both sides are proactive in their management of<br />

trade policies and processes, and vigilant in their implementation.<br />

naViGaTinG non-Tariff Barriers<br />

Free trade, not to mention a full-fledged MFN relationship, requires<br />

not only the simple exchange of low-tariff goods, but also the smooth<br />

and unfettered flow of goods within countries and across borders—a<br />

rarity in South Asia. Indeed, several contributors to this volume express<br />

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