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california history<br />
volume 87 number 4 2010<br />
The Journal of the <strong>California</strong> <strong>Historical</strong> <strong>Society</strong>
Executive Director<br />
DaviD Crosson<br />
Editor<br />
JanET FirEMan<br />
Managing Editor<br />
shElly KalE<br />
Reviews Editor<br />
JaMEs J. raWls<br />
Spotlight Editor<br />
JonaThan spaulDing<br />
Design/Production<br />
sanDy bEll<br />
Editorial Consultants<br />
LARRY E . BURGESS<br />
ROBERT W . CHERNY<br />
JAMES N . GREGORY<br />
JUDSON A . GRENIER<br />
ROBERT V . HINE<br />
LANE R . HIRABAYASHI<br />
LAWRENCE J . JELINEK<br />
PAUL J . KARLSTROM<br />
R . JEFFREY LUSTIG<br />
SALLY M . MILLER<br />
GEORGE H . PHILLIPS<br />
LEONARD PITT<br />
<strong>California</strong> History is printed in<br />
Los Angeles by Delta Graphics.<br />
Editorial offices and support for<br />
<strong>California</strong> History are provided by<br />
Loyola Marymount University,<br />
Los Angeles.<br />
california history<br />
volume 87 number 4 2010 The Journal of the <strong>California</strong> <strong>Historical</strong> <strong>Society</strong><br />
c o n t e n t s<br />
From the Editor: Something in the Soil . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2<br />
Collections . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3<br />
<strong>California</strong> Legacies: James D . Houston, <strong>California</strong>n . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6<br />
By Forrest G. Robinson<br />
Sidebar: Farewell to Manzanar . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17<br />
Luther Burbank’s Spineless Cactus:<br />
Boom Times in the <strong>California</strong> Desert . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 26<br />
By Jane S. Smith<br />
A Life Remembered: The Voice and Passions of<br />
Feminist Writer and Community Activist Flora Kimball . . . . . . . . 48<br />
By Matthew Nye<br />
Notes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 66<br />
Reviews . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 72<br />
Index . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 80<br />
Donors . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 84<br />
Spotlight . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 88<br />
on the front cover<br />
Spineless cactus at the Luther Burbank Home &<br />
Gardens, Santa Rosa<br />
Famed plant breeder Luther Burbank “has shown<br />
us the way to new continents, new forms of life, new<br />
sources of wealth,” declared <strong>California</strong> Governor<br />
George C. Pardee in 1905. When Burbank offered his<br />
new spineless cactus for public sale in 1907, after more<br />
than twenty years of experimentation, it was instantly<br />
hailed as a miracle crop that would transform desert<br />
ranching. Jane S. Smith reveals the little known but<br />
fascinating “race to riches” story of the spineless cactus<br />
craze in her essay, “Luther Burbank’s Spineless Cactus:<br />
Boom Times in the <strong>California</strong> Desert.”<br />
Photograph by photojournalist Debra Lee<br />
Baldwin, author of Designing with Succulents<br />
(Timber Press); www.debraleebaldwin.com<br />
1
2<br />
CALIFORNIA HISTORY, September 2010<br />
Published quarterly © 2010 by <strong>California</strong><br />
<strong>Historical</strong> <strong>Society</strong><br />
LC 75-640289/ISSN 0162-2897<br />
$40.00 of each membership is designated<br />
for <strong>California</strong> <strong>Historical</strong> <strong>Society</strong> membership<br />
services, including the subscription to <strong>California</strong><br />
History.<br />
KNOWN OFFICE OF PUBLICATION:<br />
<strong>California</strong> <strong>Historical</strong> <strong>Society</strong><br />
Attn: Janet Fireman<br />
Loyola Marymount University<br />
One LMU Drive<br />
Los Angeles, CA 90045-2659<br />
ADMINISTRATIVE HEADQUARTERS/<br />
NORTH BAKER RESEARCH LIBRARY<br />
678 Mission Street<br />
San Francisco, <strong>California</strong> 94105-4014<br />
Contact: 415.357.1848<br />
Facsimile: 415.357.1850<br />
Bookstore: 415.357.1860<br />
Website: www.californiahistoricalsociety.org<br />
Periodicals Postage Paid at Los Angeles,<br />
<strong>California</strong>, and at additional mailing offices.<br />
POSTMASTER<br />
Send address changes to:<br />
<strong>California</strong> History CHS<br />
678 Mission Street<br />
San Francisco, CA 94105-4014<br />
THE CALIFORNIA HISTORICAL SOCIETY is a<br />
statewide membership-based organization designated<br />
by the Legislature as the state historical<br />
society. The <strong>California</strong> <strong>Historical</strong> <strong>Society</strong> inspires<br />
and empowers <strong>California</strong>ns to make the past a<br />
meaningful part of their contemporary lives. In<br />
support of this mission, CHS respects and incorporates<br />
the multiple perspectives, stories, and<br />
experiences of <strong>California</strong>; acts as a respon sible<br />
steward of historical resources within its care;<br />
supports the work of other historical organizations<br />
throughout the state; fosters and disseminates<br />
scholarship to the broadest audi ences; and<br />
ensures that <strong>California</strong> history is integrated fully<br />
into the social studies curricula at all levels.<br />
A quarterly journal published by CHS since 1922,<br />
<strong>California</strong> History features articles by leading<br />
scholars and writers focusing on the heritage<br />
of <strong>California</strong> and the West from pre-Columbian<br />
to modern times. Illustrated articles, pictorial<br />
essays, and book reviews examine the ongoing<br />
dialogue between the past and the present.<br />
Articles appearing in this journal are abstracted<br />
and indexed in <strong>Historical</strong> Abstracts and America:<br />
History and Life. The <strong>Society</strong> assumes no<br />
responsibility for statements or opinions of the<br />
authors . MANUSCRIPTS for publication and<br />
editorial correspondence should be sent to<br />
Janet Fireman, Editor, <strong>California</strong> History, History<br />
Department, Loyola Marymount University,<br />
One LMU Drive, Los Angeles, CA 90045-8415,<br />
or jfireman@lmu.edu. BOOKS FOR REVIEW<br />
should be sent to James Rawls, Reviews Editor,<br />
<strong>California</strong> <strong>Historical</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, 678 Mission Street,<br />
San Francisco, CA 94105-4014 .<br />
<strong>California</strong> historical society<br />
www.californiahistoricalsociety.org<br />
f r o m t h e e d i t o r<br />
soMEThing in ThE soil<br />
What produces a writer who, grounded so deeply in his native state, rousingly<br />
evoked the heights and depths of his characters’ hearts and souls commensurate<br />
with powerful portrayals of lofty mountains and the arc of the ocean waves?<br />
What nurtures the quirky genius of a New England immigrant whose imagination<br />
and unique skill in plant breeding were so productive and innovative that<br />
he was heralded by scientists and poets alike: “a unique, great genius” (the<br />
botanist Hugo De Vries) and “the man who is helping God make the earth more<br />
beautiful” (the poet Joaquin Miller)?<br />
What yields the steadfastness of an isolated, rural woman who promoted radical<br />
ideas about women’s suffrage and financial independence, persevering and<br />
finally translating her commitments into effective civic activism, including<br />
becoming the first woman in the country elected Master of a chapter of the<br />
Grange, the influential farmers’ movement?<br />
For each of these extraordinarily creative and gifted individuals, <strong>California</strong> provided<br />
the challenge, environment, and inspiration to carve a distinctive niche<br />
and establish varying degrees of recognition and status in their own times.<br />
In this issue, Forrest G. Robinson sketches the life and labor of an author whose<br />
novels and nonfiction works replicated and memorialized his beloved <strong>California</strong><br />
and his adopted second home of Hawaii. With “James D. Houston, <strong>California</strong>n,”<br />
Robinson delineates Houston’s status as a <strong>California</strong> Legacy.<br />
Jane S. Smith’s “Luther Burbank’s Spineless Cactus: Boom Times in the <strong>California</strong><br />
Desert” is a witty telling of a fascinating experiment. With narrative as<br />
smooth as the spineless paddles of the un-prickled pear (Opuntia) cactus that<br />
the Wizard of Santa Rosa bred, Smith unveils the ingredients of the spineless<br />
cactus craze—an agricultural bubble based on practicality, greed, science, and<br />
Burbank’s own deliberate quest for fame, all generated by his development of<br />
countless horicultural feats.<br />
Matthew Nye brings to light for the first time “A Life Remembered: The Voice<br />
and Passions of Feminist Writer and Community Activist Flora Kimball.” Educator,<br />
writer, and influential advocate of equal suffrage for women, Kimball was a<br />
founder, with her husband and his brothers, of National City. Through her writings<br />
in the statewide Grange publication, the <strong>California</strong> Patron, she left a permanent<br />
record of her position on the equality of women, surely representative of<br />
thousands of her silent contemporaries.<br />
What spurred the exceptional accomplishments of Houston, Burbank, and Kimball?<br />
Could it have been something in the soil?<br />
Janet Fireman<br />
<strong>California</strong> History • volume 87 number 4 2010
c o l l e c t i o n s<br />
Ex Libris<br />
(From the Library of . . .)<br />
The bookplates of hundreds of individuals<br />
and organizations in CHS’s<br />
Kemble Collections on Western<br />
Printing and Publishing are part of a<br />
long-standing tradition. Beginning in<br />
the fourteenth century, when books<br />
were rare, book owners glued decorative<br />
labels to the inside covers of their<br />
books to safeguard their possessions.<br />
As the popularity of bookplates soared<br />
between 1890 and 1940, the number<br />
of collectors in the United States grew<br />
to about 5,000. The CHS bookplate<br />
collection, which merges literature<br />
with art and typography, preserves this<br />
time-honored hobby and confirms its<br />
appeal. Its example can only hint at the<br />
satisfaction that comes from knowing<br />
a book’s provenance and its owner’s<br />
interests.<br />
After the 1950s, perhaps due to the<br />
introduction of the paperback book,<br />
William A. Brewer Collection of <strong>California</strong> Bookplates,<br />
Kemble Collections on Western Printing and Publishing<br />
bookplate production nearly disappeared.<br />
Today, with the advent of electronic<br />
book-readers, many people may<br />
never even know about, much less<br />
use them.<br />
The accompanying plates reveal varieties<br />
of self-expression and styles of art,<br />
as well as individual attitudes toward<br />
book ownership—from a sketch club’s<br />
warning to “Drink deep or taste not” to<br />
the claim, illustrated by bookplate artist<br />
Franklin Bittner, that “Dog on it, this is<br />
my Book.”<br />
3
c o l l e c t i o n s<br />
4 <strong>California</strong> History • volume 87 number 4 2010
6<br />
c a l i f o r n i a l e g a c i e s<br />
James D. Houston, <strong>California</strong>n<br />
By Forrest G. Robinson<br />
James D. Houston, known to his friends as<br />
Jim, placed a high value on order, stability,<br />
continuity, permanence. He spent virtually<br />
all of his adult life married to the same<br />
woman, Jeanne Wakatsuki Houston; they lived<br />
together and raised three children in the same<br />
old house in Santa Cruz, a coastal town tucked<br />
into the northwestern end of Monterey Bay,<br />
about an hour and a half south of San Francisco<br />
on scenic Highway 1. The town—itself pretty old,<br />
as such things go in this region—is famous for<br />
its redwoods, its surfing, and its branch of the<br />
University of <strong>California</strong>.<br />
Jim loved northern <strong>California</strong>—the land, the<br />
history, the culture—and he especially loved<br />
the beautiful setting and slow-paced, unpretentious<br />
style of life in the seaside town that he and<br />
Jeanne made their home. It was here that Jim,<br />
over a period of nearly half a century, established<br />
himself as a writer, a musician, a teacher, a very<br />
visible and valued member of the local community,<br />
and a beloved friend to many. When he and<br />
Jeanne first moved to Santa Cruz in 1962, Jim<br />
recalled in a recent interview, “We both agreed<br />
<strong>California</strong> History • volume 87 number 4 2010<br />
we wanted to live here. . . . There was no lucrative<br />
job calling us. It wasn’t about professional advantage.<br />
Something about the locale itself had an<br />
appeal that turned out to be very strengthening.<br />
You might say I was sticking close to my natural<br />
habitat.” 1<br />
Jim was born in San Francisco in 1933. His parents<br />
were newcomers to <strong>California</strong>, recent arrivals<br />
from Texas who joined the Depression-era<br />
migration west in search of a better life. They<br />
weren’t disappointed. The family moved only<br />
once more, just a short distance south to the<br />
Santa Clara Valley, where they put down roots.<br />
After finishing high school, Jim completed a<br />
B.A., studying drama at nearby San Jose State<br />
University. Here he met Jeanne Wakatsuki, the<br />
daughter of Japanese immigrants who were living<br />
in the area. They were married in Honolulu<br />
in 1957, then moved to England where Jim completed<br />
a three-year tour as an information officer<br />
with a tactical fighter-bomber wing of the U.S.<br />
Air Force. The young couple traveled extensively<br />
in Europe before returning to northern <strong>California</strong><br />
and to a course of study leading to an M.A. in<br />
American Literature at Stanford University.
Alfred Russel Wallace<br />
Naturalist Alfred Russel Wallace (1823–<br />
1913) is considered by many the codiscoverer,<br />
with Charles Darwin, of the theory of natural<br />
selection. During his 1886–87 lecture<br />
tour in America, Wallace explained the principles<br />
of evolution to American audiences<br />
from Boston to San Francisco. Later, his<br />
lectures were published in his signature work<br />
on that subject, Darwinism (1889). Among<br />
the noted individuals he met in <strong>California</strong><br />
was pioneer environmentalist John Muir,<br />
to whom he presented this studio portrait,<br />
made in San Francisco, with a note of “kind<br />
remembrances” on the back.<br />
John Muir Papers, Holt-Atherton Special<br />
Collections, University of the Pacific Library;<br />
copyright 1984 Muir-Hanna Trust<br />
“Few writers have more consistently addressed the<br />
enduring issues arising out of the <strong>California</strong> experience,”<br />
wrote Kevin Starr about James D. Houston<br />
(1933–2009). Finding inspiration in the state’s natural<br />
environment, history, and culture, and empathizing<br />
with the human emotions they produced, Houston<br />
contributed to the <strong>California</strong> literary landscape with<br />
eight novels, numerous essays, and nonfiction books.<br />
This photograph, made circa 2000 in his studio in the<br />
cupola of his historic Santa Cruz home, provides an<br />
intimate glimpse of the man and his work: standing up<br />
to write, with drafts of pages displayed on a clothesline<br />
running across the length of his desk.<br />
Courtesy of Jeanne Wakatsuki Houston;<br />
photograph by Thomas Becker<br />
7
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c a l i f o r n i a l e g a c i e s<br />
Once settled in Santa Cruz, just an hour’s drive<br />
away, Jim returned to Stanford in 1966, this<br />
time as a fellow in the celebrated creative writing<br />
program directed by Wallace Stegner, who was a<br />
valued mentor and enduring influence. Jim supported<br />
his growing family and bought time for<br />
writing by teaching classical and folk guitar and<br />
playing bass in a local piano bar. His first book,<br />
Surfing: The Sport of Hawaiian Kings, which he coauthored<br />
with Ben R. Finney and which reflected<br />
his strong attraction to Hawaiian culture,<br />
appeared in 1966. A teaching stint at Stanford<br />
coincided with the publication of his first novel,<br />
Between Battles, in 1968. Teaching on a more<br />
permanent footing commenced at the new Santa<br />
Cruz campus of the University of <strong>California</strong> in<br />
1969. A second novel, Gig, winner of the Joseph<br />
Henry Jackson Award for Fiction—presented by<br />
the San Francisco Foundation as an encouragement<br />
to new writers—and dedicated “with special<br />
thanks to Wallace Stegner,” appeared in the<br />
same year. Jim’s career as a full-time professional<br />
writer was now well launched.<br />
It is probably impossible to overstate the importance<br />
of place—of northern <strong>California</strong> and the<br />
wide Pacific region it embraces—in Jim’s life<br />
and work. “By place,” he has written, “I don’t<br />
mean simply names and points of interest and<br />
identified on a map.” Rather, it is “the relationship<br />
between a locale and the lives lived there,<br />
the relationship between terrain and the feelings<br />
it can call out of us, the way a certain place can<br />
provide us with grounding, location, meaning,<br />
can bear upon the dreams we dream, can sometimes<br />
shape our view of history.” 2<br />
Drawn directly from Jim’s personal experience,<br />
this credo for literature and life took reinforcement<br />
from his teacher Wallace Stegner’s emphasis<br />
on a western “geography of hope” and echoes<br />
the views of his contemporary and friend Kevin<br />
Starr, preeminent chronicler of the <strong>California</strong><br />
Dream. Jim’s earliest published writing may<br />
appear, in retrospect, to be journeyman work in<br />
<strong>California</strong> History • volume 87 number 4 2010<br />
which he perfected his technical skills and at the<br />
same time sharpened his focus on the specific<br />
place, culture, and themes that came, in time,<br />
to define his literary identity as a modern realist<br />
and historical novelist of <strong>California</strong> and the<br />
Pacific Rim.<br />
Early WorK<br />
Surfing is an enthusiast’s overview of all aspects<br />
of the sport, with special attention to its antiquity<br />
and to its decline during the century of foreign<br />
incursions to the Hawaiian Islands culminating<br />
in the American takeover in 1898. This<br />
“tragedy,” which robbed the Hawaiians of their<br />
social, economic, and political independence,<br />
was accompanied by a sharp decline in the native<br />
population and in traditional religious beliefs and<br />
cultural practices. Against this grave background,<br />
Houston welcomes the twentieth-century revival<br />
of surfing, which spread from Waikiki Beach in<br />
Honolulu to the coast of <strong>California</strong>, and more<br />
widely after World War II to coastal sites around<br />
the world. Much of the wonder of the old Hawaiian<br />
order was lost forever. But the renewal and<br />
flourishing of this ancient sporting institution—<br />
complete with “clubs, championships, commercial<br />
importance, mountainous waves to generate<br />
modern myths, and worldwide romantic symbolism”<br />
3 —is the source of evident gratification to<br />
a lover of natural beauty, sunshine, the sea, and<br />
time-tested expressions of human pleasure and<br />
solidarity.<br />
Between Battles draws on another major dimension<br />
in Jim’s early life, his military service on<br />
an American air base in England. Though set<br />
in the historical period “between battles” of the<br />
late 1950s, the novel was written and published<br />
a decade later, as the Vietnam War escalated. It is<br />
everywhere alive to the comedy of incompetence<br />
and waste and tedium of military life. Some of its<br />
best writing surfaces in brief, wonderfully imagined<br />
takes on the all-too-human actors in a peacetime<br />
army. There is the colonel who “resembled
Houston began writing in the Air Force while stationed in Britain, publishing his first story in 1959 in the London<br />
literary journal Gemini. Another early work won a U.S. Air Force short story contest. In this photograph from 1959,<br />
he and his new wife, Jeanne, look out the window of Hillcrest, their thatched-roof cottage in Finchingfield.<br />
Courtesy of Jeanne Wakatsuki Houston<br />
9
10<br />
c a l i f o r n i a l e g a c i e s<br />
Orson Welles trying to imitate Curtis LeMay” and<br />
“Staff Sgt. Hart, a serious little man from Nevada,<br />
with the neck and face of a surprised turkey.” 4<br />
But with an obvious eye to the much more consequential<br />
realities of Vietnam, the novel offers<br />
itself as a cautionary tale about how good people<br />
can get caught up in the darkly seductive allure<br />
of modern warfare. Don Stillwell, a pilot whose<br />
plan to become an architect is cut short by a fatal<br />
crash, admits just before the book’s end that his<br />
military career has been “entirely senseless.”<br />
He is “sickened” by the thought of “training for<br />
years just to learn more efficient ways to destroy<br />
installations and cities with nuclear weapons,”<br />
and looks forward instead to learning “how to<br />
build cities” for the future. Stillwell’s message is<br />
not lost on the novel’s narrator, Lieutenant Sam<br />
Young, a college graduate and fledgling writer<br />
from <strong>California</strong> clearly modeled on the novelist<br />
himself. Traveling across England by train after<br />
his discharge, he surveys the “thatched rooves<br />
and tangled lanes and steeples poking over every<br />
country knoll” and reflects that “this world had<br />
often beguiled me. I too was drawn to things<br />
that lasted.” 5<br />
Jim’s third book and second novel, Gig, is the<br />
first actually set in northern <strong>California</strong>. Written<br />
during the year of his Wallace Stegner Creative<br />
Writing Fellowship at Stanford, Gig draws<br />
directly on Jim’s experiences as the bass player<br />
in a combo playing at a fashionable Santa Cruz<br />
restaurant. The novel’s narrator and protagonist,<br />
Roy Ambrose, confines his story to the events of a<br />
single evening at the lounge where he entertains<br />
a large handful of patrons who gather to drink<br />
and socialize around his piano. Attentive in an<br />
evidently self-conscious way to the classical unities<br />
of time, place, and action, the narrative has a<br />
partial focus in what Roy describes as his “invisible<br />
iron maiden,” 6 the fear that he will somehow<br />
fail as an entertainer and lose his audience.<br />
<strong>California</strong> History • volume 87 number 4 2010<br />
Along with occasional traces of then fashionable<br />
existentialism, the novel demonstrates signs<br />
of impatience with the smug conservatism of<br />
American middle-class life in the late 1960s, a<br />
time when “spending is the ultimate act of faith”<br />
and people “are dying of complacency and too<br />
much food.” 7 Though well written and lively in<br />
its pacing, it is a rather slender performance, and<br />
feels at times like a linked sequence of literary<br />
exercises in plot management, characterization,<br />
and dialogue.<br />
Though none of these early books fully anticipates<br />
the more important work that would soon<br />
follow, viewed in the aggregate, Surfing, Between<br />
Battles, and Gig display many of the most prominent<br />
elements in that later writing. The key<br />
locations—Santa Cruz, northern <strong>California</strong>, and<br />
Hawaii—are all featured. So are many of the key<br />
players: young people, musicians, Hawaiians,<br />
surfers. There is the emphasis that would endure<br />
on ordinary people following their dreams in<br />
search of the good life as it is frequently imagined<br />
and sometimes realized in the golden West.<br />
hisToriCal QuEsTs For ThE<br />
CaliFornia DrEaM<br />
It was clear from the start that Jim’s writing<br />
would draw heavily on his own experience, and<br />
that it would form itself into realistic, often<br />
redemptive narratives strong on tolerance,<br />
humor, pleasure, and peace. Much of this would<br />
find expression in his favorite music, which<br />
figures prominently both in the lives of his characters<br />
and in the themes that dominate their<br />
stories. Indeed, Jim was aware from early on that<br />
music was definitive in his life, as a form of pleasure,<br />
as a profession, and as a range of preferred<br />
styles and techniques that situated him in time.<br />
Though he began to emerge as a novelist of note<br />
during the era of the Beatles and rock and roll,<br />
Jim’s tastes ran to a wide array of earlier musical<br />
forms—the Hawaiian slack-key guitar and “Okie”
Houston’s passion for music nurtured his writing and revealed his individuality. His Santa Cruz bluegrass band, the Red Mountain<br />
Boys—shown here walking in an open field on the University of <strong>California</strong>, Santa Cruz campus circa 1972—was a popular<br />
mainstay of the area’s music scene: (left to right) Jim Houston, Ron Litowski, Marsh Leiceter, Kent Taylor, and Page Stegner.<br />
Courtesy of Jeanne Wakatsuki Houston<br />
songs that his father loved, traditional bluegrass,<br />
and the popular tunes, show music, and big-band<br />
sound that Gig’s Roy Ambrose claims for people<br />
of his own generation, “whose tastes and images<br />
were mainly shaped during the thirties and forties.”<br />
Jim was certainly attuned to and supportive<br />
of the forward-looking ideals of young people in<br />
the 1960s and 1970s, but his musical tastes were<br />
part and parcel with his attraction to the values<br />
and lifestyles of ordinary people in an earlier, less<br />
sophisticated America. As Ambrose goes on to<br />
observe of his generation, we “are afflicted with<br />
nostalgia and constantly look for ways to bring<br />
our past into the present.” 8 The fictional narrator<br />
speaks clearly here for his maker, a novelist alive<br />
to the lessons of history and to the great value of<br />
“things that lasted.”<br />
Published just two years after Gig, A Native Son of<br />
the Golden West is a more ambitious installment<br />
on the theme of historical continuities. The novel<br />
is longer, formally more sophisticated, and more<br />
elaborate in matters of plot and characterization<br />
than anything that Jim previously had written.<br />
Hooper Dunlap, a young, footloose surfer from<br />
southern <strong>California</strong>, quits college and migrates<br />
to Hawaii, where he hopes to satisfy his yearning<br />
for adventure—which he defines quite vaguely<br />
as “something improbable we can take real<br />
pride in.” 9<br />
Hooper’s character and quest are variations on<br />
a Dunlap family tradition, represented in the<br />
narrative by a series of flashbacks to generations<br />
of forebearers migrating from Great Britain to<br />
the United States in the eighteenth century and<br />
crossing the continent to <strong>California</strong> in the twentieth.<br />
But Dunlap habits of mobility are in tension<br />
for the young protagonist with the values of his<br />
father, a hardworking Christian fundamentalist<br />
11
12<br />
c a l i f o r n i a l e g a c i e s<br />
who has put down roots in <strong>California</strong>. In taking<br />
flight to Hawaii, Hooper has rejected religious<br />
rectitude and domestic stability for a life of aimless,<br />
sun-drenched self-indulgence in surfing,<br />
sex, booze, and music. His role model and adoptive<br />
father figure in Honolulu is Jackson Broome,<br />
an aging vagabond who owns the condemned<br />
boardinghouse where Hooper takes up temporary<br />
residence. They recognize their kinship almost<br />
immediately. “Whenever that Hooper comes in<br />
here,” Broome declares, “he makes me want<br />
to cry. He’s so much like me at that age, I can’t<br />
hardly stand it. Not much idea what he wants to<br />
do. Just out here farting around. The way all of<br />
us wish we could do all our lives. Matter of what<br />
you can get away with. I’ve always thought that<br />
was the main aim of damn near every man I’ve<br />
ever run across, to fart around as much as possible.<br />
Sooner or later a woman’ll come along,<br />
though, and throw you off course.” 10<br />
The old man proves prophetic; indeed, the<br />
woman who comes along to throw Hooper off<br />
course is Broome’s niece, Nona, a beautiful<br />
young dancer who works at a hotel near the<br />
boardinghouse. She is soon pregnant, and looks<br />
to Hooper for commitments to herself, their<br />
child, and a responsible future. But he is indecisive.<br />
This is not what he had in mind when he<br />
left <strong>California</strong>. Events accelerate toward a crisis.<br />
Broome dies suddenly of a heart attack; Hooper<br />
and a friend transport his body in a sailboat out<br />
to sea for burial. But will he decide to go back<br />
for Nona? That question goes unanswered when<br />
Hooper is killed in a careless accident. The novel<br />
closes nearly two decades later, as his son leaves<br />
<strong>California</strong> on his own.<br />
Like father, like son. And yet in seeming to<br />
affirm Hooper’s legacy, A Native Son of the<br />
Golden West represents the young man’s dream<br />
of carefree wandering in a decidedly critical<br />
light. Though a talented and attractive character,<br />
Hooper is emotionally immature; he takes what<br />
he wants from others, but shares little of him-<br />
<strong>California</strong> History • volume 87 number 4 2010<br />
self in return. “I keep getting the feeling,” Nona<br />
complains, “that you don’t care about me.” 11 Her<br />
concerns are well founded. Hooper is enthralled<br />
by an image of himself engaged in endless new<br />
beginnings—new places, new people, new experiences,<br />
with little that is constant save sunshine,<br />
music, sexual conquest, and the regularity of<br />
change itself.<br />
We can be sure that Jim Houston had a more<br />
than passing familiarity with his young protagonist’s<br />
ideas about the good life. The proof is in<br />
the energy and plausibility of his writing about<br />
those ideas. But where Hooper succumbed in his<br />
early twenties to the consequences of his own<br />
carelessness, the rising novelist in his late thirties<br />
was preparing to settle down in one place<br />
with a wife and growing family. Cast in this light,<br />
A Native Son of the Golden West may be read as<br />
a meditation on two versions of the <strong>California</strong><br />
dream, one of youthful indulgence in variety and<br />
change, the other of mature dedication to growth,<br />
continuity, and permanence.<br />
Jim’s ambivalence about accelerating change in<br />
<strong>California</strong> takes humorous expression in The<br />
Adventures of Charlie Bates, first published in 1973<br />
and reissued in slightly modified form as Gasoline<br />
in 1980. The slender volume is a gathering<br />
of seven darkly comical stories unified around<br />
the eponymous hero and his love/hate relationship<br />
with the modern automobile. In the course<br />
of his adventures, Charlie runs through several<br />
cars, as many fascinating females, several nearly<br />
global traffic jams and earth-shaking collisions,<br />
right into the madhouse. Cars are potently seductive—fast,<br />
liberating, fun. But they are also the<br />
chrome-plated symptoms—internally combustible<br />
metal monsters roaring at breakneck speed<br />
through toxic fumes on endless miles of concrete<br />
over hubcaps and tailpipes and humans and<br />
other debris—of accelerating social lunacy. One<br />
of society’s children, Charlie is literally car crazy.
The stories trace the gradual deepening of<br />
Charlie’s derangement. The first, “Gas Mask,”<br />
finds him at the numb stage. Ingenuous, utterly<br />
uncritical, he views a weeklong traffic jam as an<br />
interesting diversion. Charlie and his wife, Fay,<br />
pack sandwiches and a thermos, rent an apartment<br />
near the freeway, and calmly survey the<br />
spectacle through a pair of navy binoculars. After<br />
all, Charlie reflects, “this was really the only civilized<br />
way to behave.” But as one story succeeds<br />
another, Charlie’s world becomes more chaotic<br />
and absurd. Against a background of squealing<br />
tires, collapsing bumpers, and the hiss of steam<br />
from twisted radiators, baffled motorists try in<br />
vain to find their way. “Hey, what the hell’s going<br />
on around here!” 12 cries a red-faced man lost on<br />
the fifty-fifth floor of a hundred-story parking<br />
tower. There are no answers. The wreckage simply<br />
continues to pile up as more and more people<br />
disappear under it.<br />
Charlie survives, but only by retreating into a<br />
world of fantasy. The final story, “The Odyssey<br />
of Charlie Bates,” opens to the cacophony of a<br />
multicar collision outside a freeway tunnel. Bolting<br />
from what remains of his car, Charlie runs<br />
into Antonia, a fetching astrology freak. Together<br />
they wander into the tunnel, where hundreds of<br />
frenzied accident victims surrender to their animal<br />
urges. Naked bodies writhe; a mad bomber<br />
threatens; soldiers join in with guns and clubs.<br />
Reaching the far end of the long, narrowing tunnel,<br />
Charlie next teams up with Fanny, a vendor<br />
of griddle cakes. In a fanciful rebirth, they emerge<br />
from the darkness into a pre-automotive world of<br />
banjo bands and bicycles built for two. The only<br />
answer to the madness of the present, it appears,<br />
is nostalgic retreat to an imagined, idyllic past.<br />
Jim’s next novel emphatically confirms that his<br />
imaginative treatment of the <strong>California</strong> dream<br />
runs readily and frequently to nightmare. Published<br />
in 1978, Continental Drift is the first of<br />
three novels centrally concerned with the lives<br />
and mingled fortunes of the Doyle family. The<br />
book’s title refers to the massive fault line that<br />
runs like original sin right down the spine of<br />
<strong>California</strong>, always there, below the surface of<br />
the action, ready to unleash destruction. It cuts<br />
across the west side of the inherited, northern<br />
<strong>California</strong> family ranch of Monty Doyle and<br />
serves as a constant reminder that the dream of<br />
human possibility in this Pacific outpost of paradise<br />
is extremely fragile, just one major upheaval<br />
away from disintegration.<br />
Jim’s writing is more confident than ever in<br />
Continental Drift, probably the best of the three<br />
volumes in the Doyle trilogy. It is a very complicated<br />
narrative, with lots of twists and turns<br />
through multiple strands and perspectives deftly<br />
coordinated to produce a maximum of suspense.<br />
In many of its episodes, and in its pervasive tone<br />
of imminent catastrophe, the novel is strongly<br />
reminiscent of the period and place in which it<br />
is set, Santa Cruz in the 1970s, with its backdrop<br />
of war, generational conflict, drugs, cults, and<br />
ghastly serial murders. “You ever get the feeling<br />
that everybody in the whole wide world is going<br />
nuts?” asks Monty’s older son, Grover. “It’s more<br />
than a feeling,” his father replies; “I get an absolute<br />
certainty.” 13<br />
Geological instability is the natural correlative to<br />
major disturbances in the local community as<br />
they play themselves out in the Doyle family. In<br />
the broadest historical terms, such troubles are<br />
linked to those of all the fortune seekers who<br />
have come to <strong>California</strong>, “dreaming of conquest,<br />
dreaming of ranches . . . unending waves of<br />
explorers, wizards, gypsies, visionaries, conquistadors,<br />
people who want to take what is here and<br />
turn it into something else.” 14<br />
Closer to home, tremors run through the family<br />
in waves of marital infidelity, sibling rivalry,<br />
and the bitter harvest of war. Monty’s younger<br />
son, Travis, is just back from a tour of duty in<br />
Vietnam, an experience that has left him physically<br />
and emotionally handicapped. He places<br />
the blame for his suffering on his father, “the old<br />
13
14<br />
Santa Cruz’s 1894 courthouse—renamed the Cooper House in the 1960s and destroyed by the 1989 Loma Prieta earthquake—was<br />
the scene for this 1973 assemblage of members of the Santa Cruz literary community: (windows, left to right) Morton Marcus,<br />
Peter S. Beagle, Anne Steinhardt, Robert Lundquist, James B. Hall, Steve Levine, Victor Perera, T. Mike Walker; (standing, left<br />
to right) James D. Houston, William Everson, Mason Smith; (seated, left to right) John Deck, Lou Mathews, Nels Hanson,<br />
George Hitchcock.<br />
Courtesy of Gary Griggs<br />
conquistador” who now deeply regrets having “let<br />
his son be crippled fighting another country’s<br />
wars.” It hardly helps that Monty lusts after Crystal,<br />
the pretty but promiscuous girl that Travis<br />
has brought home with him. She is a potent<br />
reminder of old fractures in Monty’s marriage to<br />
Leona, his wife of many years and the intuitive,<br />
morally grounded center of gravity in the entire<br />
trilogy. Leona is attentive to the movements<br />
of Pele, the Hawaiian volcano goddess, and to<br />
ominous turbulence around the dread “ring of<br />
fire” that encircles the Pacific Rim. The times<br />
are out of joint. Globally, nationally, locally, and<br />
right at home, Leona is witness to linked portents<br />
of an “apocalyptic turning point in the near or<br />
distant future.” 15<br />
<strong>California</strong> History • volume 87 number 4 2010<br />
The domestic drama at the center of Continental<br />
Drift intersects with a gripping murder mystery<br />
that Monty—who is a journalist when he is<br />
not tending to the ranch—follows closely and<br />
finally helps to solve. It will not do to spoil the<br />
pleasure of future readers by summarizing the<br />
plot. Suffice it to say that the unraveling of the<br />
mystery brings the members of the Doyle family<br />
through a painful crisis to subsequent stages of<br />
clarification and real, if incomplete, resolution.<br />
The earthquake of their recent lives is restored<br />
to calm and sanity at the Tassajara hot springs, a<br />
remote Zen Buddhist retreat in the Ventana Wilderness<br />
east of Big Sur. Here, at novel’s end, the<br />
Doyles rediscover what they love about <strong>California</strong>,<br />
the health and wholeness and union with nature<br />
that generously compensate for its faults. Travis
makes the trip but draws back from the reunited<br />
family once they have arrived in order to explore<br />
the healing potential of Zen spirituality. We have<br />
not heard the last of his troubles.<br />
Jim returned to the Doyle saga with Love Life,<br />
published in 1985. It is a novel true to its title,<br />
mixing roughly equal parts of family drama,<br />
soul-searching dialogue, sex, whiskey, country<br />
music, and the mysterious tides of fate, all set<br />
in and around the family ranch in northern<br />
<strong>California</strong>. The domestic crisis is played out this<br />
time against a background of biblical flood reminiscent<br />
of the punitive deluge that swamped the<br />
region in the winter of 1981.<br />
In a strikingly formal departure, Jim elected to<br />
tell his story in the first-person voice of Holly<br />
Doyle, the thirty-two-year-old wife of Monty and<br />
Leona’s older son, Grover. He succeeds admirably<br />
in creating a narrative around topics and in a<br />
tone that will strike many as distinctively “feminine.”<br />
Indeed, Love Life comes closer than anything<br />
else Jim wrote to being a popular romance.<br />
It is all about the trials and tribulations—some<br />
serious, some decidedly humorous—of sexually<br />
liberated modern love. The narrative is set<br />
in motion by Grover’s infidelity. There is no<br />
little attention to women’s liberation, to selfactualization,<br />
and to sexual experiment. “There<br />
is a male within the female,” Grover insists,<br />
“and there is a female within the male. Until you<br />
are in touch with that, you are only living half<br />
a life.” As if to acknowledge that her story tilts<br />
rather perilously toward pulp melodrama, Holly<br />
tells her friend Maureen that “we were all acting<br />
like those people you hear about on the jukebox.<br />
No matter how hard you try, sooner or later<br />
you end up somewhere inside a country-andwestern<br />
song.” 16<br />
The natural fury unleashed by the storm of<br />
Grover’s betrayal brings ordinary life to a standstill,<br />
and forces Holly and Grover into a week<br />
of isolation on their remote homestead. There,<br />
threatened by mudslides and on limited supplies,<br />
but thanks to the sage counsel of Leona and the<br />
lubricating influence of alcohol, they come to<br />
terms with some hard truths about themselves<br />
and their marriage. Down to earth and completely<br />
honest, Leona admits that she has made<br />
mistakes in raising her sons but nonetheless<br />
brings Holly to the recognition that her own<br />
doubts and fears have been major obstacles to the<br />
success of her marriage to Grover. Leona is more<br />
bluntly open with her son. “Mothers always know<br />
what’s going on,” she warns, but only as the<br />
prelude to a tearful outpouring of maternal love.<br />
Strengthened inwardly by his mother’s display of<br />
support, Grover comes in time to recognize that<br />
his own disabling fear of losing control has been<br />
an impediment to the fruition of his relationship<br />
with Holly. The storm has passed, and the novel<br />
ends, as Jim’s novels tend to, with a renewal of<br />
clarity and with real, if measured, affirmations<br />
of home, family, continuity, and the informing<br />
influence of place. Fittingly enough, Hank Williams<br />
has what amounts to the last word: “I can’t<br />
help it if I’m still in love with you.” 17<br />
The final volume in the Doyle trilogy, The Last<br />
Paradise, appeared in 1998. Like Continental Drift,<br />
it is a mystery novel, this time with a discernibly<br />
noir plot and tone. And like both of its predecessors,<br />
it follows a love story through multiple<br />
complications to a crisis and final resolution. The<br />
action of the novel has moved to Hawaii, though<br />
ties with northern <strong>California</strong> are clearly maintained,<br />
and there are constant reminders of geological,<br />
historical, and cultural continuities within<br />
the region defined by the Pacific Rim. Nature is<br />
again one of the principal dramatis personae,<br />
this time as the molten “ring of fire” encircling<br />
the entire Pacific and locally manifest in Pele, the<br />
mythological goddess of volcanoes, said to reside<br />
in the Halemaumau Crater at the summit of<br />
Kilauea volcano on the Big Island of Hawaii. Like<br />
the earthquakes and storms in the earlier novels,<br />
Pele is a force to be reckoned with, chastening<br />
foolish humans when they wander from the path<br />
of natural goodness.<br />
15
16<br />
c a l i f o r n i a l e g a c i e s<br />
Travis Doyle, last seen seeking the truth at Tassajara,<br />
is now thirty-two years old and still lost.<br />
His marriage is on the rocks, and he is an insurance<br />
claims adjuster on assignment in Hawaii,<br />
where a mainland company drilling for geothermal<br />
energy is locked in conflict with the local<br />
Hawaiians, who have had enough of outsiders<br />
exploiting and desecrating their sacred homeland.<br />
Travis has a special affinity for the Pacific.<br />
As his mother, Leona, later reveals to him, his<br />
“touch point” in life, the place of his conception,<br />
was right on the fault line. For a long time, she<br />
believed that “his years of restlessness and roaming”<br />
were directly linked to the fact that he was<br />
“a natural-born son of earthquake country.” But<br />
events persuade her that “we have been looking<br />
in the wrong place” for explanations. Instead<br />
of looking back to their ranch on the fault line,<br />
poised “to break loose at any moment and float<br />
away,” they should “look straight ahead and think<br />
about this ring, this rim we are on. . . . Aren’t we<br />
on the edge of some great big wheel here?” 18 As it<br />
turns out, Travis’s business trip to Hawaii is the<br />
beginning of a spiritual journey toward the hub of<br />
that wheel, the volcanic Pacific Rim, where he will<br />
discover his rightful place and people.<br />
It is entirely consistent with Leona’s prophetic<br />
emphasis on hidden continuities that Travis’s<br />
future should centrally involve a woman who<br />
emerges out of his past. He first met Evangeline—his<br />
destined evangelist and literary descendant<br />
of the heroine of Longfellow’s famous<br />
poem—during a visit to Hawaii when he was just<br />
sixteen. While their fathers paid their respects at<br />
the national monument at Pearl Harbor, Travis<br />
and Evangeline commenced a passionate eightweek<br />
romance that lived on in his consciousness,<br />
not in words or remembered images but as “a<br />
globe of honey-colored light.” 19 Now, two decades<br />
later, they are fatefully reunited at a time of crisis<br />
in which their rekindled love nearly succumbs to<br />
the torque of competing affiliations.<br />
<strong>California</strong> History • volume 87 number 4 2010<br />
In time, however, Evangeline converts Travis to<br />
the teachings of Pele and enlists his support in<br />
the struggle to protect the native environment<br />
from the depredations of the mainland developers.<br />
Like Travis, Evangeline is a child of fire,<br />
having been baptized by her native Hawaiian<br />
great-grandmother in the name of Pele. In bringing<br />
Travis to the fire goddess, she restores him to<br />
his natal spirituality, and thus reaffirms the special<br />
force of the love that first drew them together.<br />
At novel’s end, Travis returns to <strong>California</strong>, leaving<br />
Evangeline, who is pregnant with their child,<br />
temporarily behind. But we feel that their future<br />
as a couple is secure, aligned as it is with traditional<br />
spirituality and grounded in primordial<br />
continuities linking remote ancestors with the<br />
children of tomorrow. “The mind forgets” such<br />
things, Evangeline reflects, “but the body can<br />
remember and hear that oldest calling.” 20<br />
farewell to Manzanar anD<br />
nonFiCTion WorKs<br />
In the course of his long, extremely productive<br />
career as a professional writer, Jim earned wide<br />
recognition as a regional novelist of the first<br />
rank. But he also made stellar contributions to<br />
the field of nonfiction. Most notably, perhaps, he<br />
worked together with his wife, Jeanne, in composing<br />
Farewell to Manzanar, the autobiographical<br />
narrative of her childhood years in a World<br />
War II Japanese American internment camp in<br />
the Owens Valley. First published in 1972—and<br />
adapted for a two-hour television production in<br />
1976—the memoir broke important new historical<br />
ground and quickly established itself as<br />
a staple in high school and university courses<br />
across the country.<br />
Jim and Jeanne teamed up again in the singlevolume<br />
1985 publication that combined her<br />
Beyond Manzanar: Views of Asian American<br />
Womanhood with his One Can Think About Life<br />
After the Fish Is in the Canoe, and Other Coastal<br />
ConTinUeD on P. 20
Farewell to Manzanar<br />
In the early 1970s, Jeanne Wakatsuki Houston began<br />
to recall long-suppressed memories of her family’s<br />
exile in an internment camp in Owens Valley during<br />
World War II. These encounters with her past produced a<br />
groundbreaking and compelling account of the wartime<br />
treatment of Japanese Americans, which was published<br />
in 1973 as Farewell to Manzanar. Co-authored with her<br />
husband, the book is now a <strong>California</strong> classic and standard<br />
reading in schools and colleges across the country.<br />
As James recalled in a 2007 interview, “Not long after<br />
Pearl Harbor was bombed by the Japanese military in<br />
December 1941, an entire subculture was rounded up<br />
and evacuated to ten camps, remote and godforsaken<br />
places well inland, away from the coast—120,000 people,<br />
whole families and mostly native-born American citizens,<br />
my wife among them, her nine brothers and sisters, her<br />
mother and father. The book we wrote together is her<br />
story, her family’s story. She was seven when the war<br />
started, eleven when they got out of Manzanar. Twentyfive<br />
years later we sat down in our living room here with<br />
a tape recorder and she began to voice things she’d<br />
never talked about, not with me, not with anyone.” 1<br />
Houston also spoke of his writing in the contexts of <strong>California</strong><br />
as a cultural crossroads and as a region of dreams,<br />
“the ones that come true and the ones that unravel”—<br />
themes that ring true in Farewell to Manzanar. “For me,”<br />
he acknowledged, “meeting Jeanne and her family, then<br />
working with her on Farewell to Manzanar was a huge<br />
awakening. . . . It was the beginning of an education . . .<br />
my first glimpse of another place, another way of being<br />
in this land, of a life and a history that reaches both ways<br />
across the water.” 2<br />
The following excerpts, paired with selections from the<br />
collection of Ansel Adams’s photographs of Japanese<br />
American internment at Manzanar, housed in the Library<br />
of Congress, give a personal voice to a troubled era in<br />
<strong>California</strong>’s history.<br />
—The Editors<br />
excerpts from Farewell to Manzanar by Jeanne Wakatsuki<br />
Houston and James D. Houston. Copyright © 1973 by James D.<br />
Houston. Reprinted by permission of Houghton Mifflin<br />
Harcourt Publishing Company. All rights reserved.<br />
The cover of this edition of Farewell to Manzanar, published<br />
by Houghton Mifflin Books for Children, features photographs<br />
of Jeanne and members of the Wakatsuki family during their<br />
internment, circa 1942–43.<br />
“We rode all day. By the time we reached our destination, the shades were<br />
up. It was late afternoon. The first thing I saw was a yellow swirl across<br />
a blurred, reddish setting sun. The bus was being pelted by what sounded<br />
like splattering rain. It wasn’t rain. This was my first look at something<br />
I would soon know very well, a billowing flurry of dust and sand churned<br />
up by the wind through Owens Valley.”<br />
17
“We drove past a barbed-wire fence, through a<br />
gate, and into an open space where trunks and<br />
sacks and packages had been dumped from the<br />
baggage trucks that drove out ahead of us. I could<br />
see a few tents set up, the first rows of black barracks,<br />
and beyond them, blurred by sand, rows of<br />
barracks that seemed to spread for miles across this<br />
plain.”<br />
“In Spanish, Manzanar means ‘apple orchard.’<br />
Great stretches of Owens Valley were once green<br />
with orchards and alfalfa fields. It has been a desert<br />
ever since its water started flowing south into<br />
Los Angeles. . . . But a few rows of untended pear<br />
and apple trees were still growing there when the<br />
camp opened, where a shallow water table had<br />
kept them alive. In the spring of 1943 we moved<br />
to Block 28, right up next to one of the old pear<br />
orchards. That’s where we stayed until the end of<br />
the war, and those trees stand in my memory for<br />
the turning of our life in camp, from the outrageous<br />
to the tolerable.”<br />
18 <strong>California</strong> History • volume 87 number 4 2010
“Before Manzanar, mealtime had always been<br />
the center of our family scene. In camp, and<br />
afterward, I would often recall with deep yearning<br />
the old round wooden table in our dining room<br />
in Ocean Park, the biggest piece of furniture we<br />
owned, large enough to seat twelve or thirteen of<br />
us at once. . . . Dinners were always noisy, and they<br />
were always abundant with great pots of boiled<br />
rice, platters of home-grown vegetables, fish Papa<br />
caught. . . . My own family, after three years of<br />
mess hall living, collapsed as an integrated unit.<br />
Whatever dignity or feeling of filial strength we<br />
may have known before December 1941 was lost.”<br />
“As the months at Manzanar turned to years,<br />
it became a world unto itself, with its own logic<br />
and familiar ways. In time, staying there seemed<br />
far simpler than moving once again to another,<br />
unknown place. It was as if the war were forgotten,<br />
our reason for being there forgotten. The present,<br />
the little bit of busywork you had right in front<br />
of you, became the most urgent thing. In such a<br />
narrowed world, in order to survive, you learn to<br />
contain your rage and your despair, and you try to<br />
re-create, as well as you can, your normality, some<br />
sense of things continuing.”<br />
19
c a l i f o r n i a l e g a c i e s<br />
Sketches. Jim’s very readable <strong>California</strong>ns: Searching<br />
for the Golden State, a collection of brief travel<br />
narratives featuring exchanges with such notables<br />
as Luis Valdez, Steve Jobs, and Tom Bradley,<br />
appeared in 1982. Where Light Takes Its Color<br />
from the Sea, A <strong>California</strong> Notebook, published in<br />
2008, is a kindred selection of memories and<br />
reflections highlighted by illuminating chapters<br />
on Wallace Stegner and Ray Carver.<br />
And there is more—a substantial shelf of nonfiction<br />
that stretches to include Open Field (1974),<br />
a biography of 49ers quarterback John Brodie;<br />
The Men in My Life (1987), a volume of “More or<br />
Less True Recollections of Kinship”; In the Ring of<br />
Fire (1997), the narrative of a journey through the<br />
Pacific Basin; Hawaiian Son: The Life and Music<br />
of Eddie Kamae (2004), a tribute to the legendary<br />
ukulele virtuoso; and numerous collections of<br />
West Coast writing, most notably volume 1 of The<br />
Literature of <strong>California</strong>, co-edited with Jack Hicks,<br />
Maxine Hong Kingston, and Al Young, published<br />
by the University of <strong>California</strong> Press in 2000.<br />
Snow Mountain PaSSage anD<br />
laTEr WorKs<br />
But Jim will be remembered best for his novels,<br />
the writing that most fully engaged his creative<br />
attention and talent. Doubtless the most memorable<br />
novel of them all is Snow Mountain Passage,<br />
the superb fictional re-creation of a defining<br />
chapter in <strong>California</strong> history, published to considerable<br />
acclaim in 2001. The inspiration for the<br />
novel lent great credence to Jim’s sense that the<br />
important things in life happen for a reason.<br />
After inhabiting their Santa Cruz Victorian for<br />
several decades, all the while employing its lofty<br />
cupola as his study, Jim discovered, apparently<br />
quite by chance, that Patty Reed, one of the children<br />
who survived the infamous Donner Party<br />
tragedy of 1846–47, had lived in the house until<br />
the end of her long life. Her father, James Frazier<br />
Reed, was one of the principal organizers of<br />
the ill-fated wagon train and a protagonist in the<br />
20 <strong>California</strong> History • volume 87 number 4 2010<br />
conflicted events that left the party trapped for<br />
the winter in the frozen Sierra.<br />
For a novelist interested in history, family, and<br />
continuities of time and place, and who believed,<br />
as Jim certainly did, that “old voices are always in<br />
the air, in the towns and in the soil, waiting to be<br />
heard,” this was a story he was destined to write.<br />
In “Where Does History Live?”—his essay on the<br />
novel’s fateful provenance—Jim describes his<br />
surrender to the potent attraction of the project<br />
and his sudden, startling access to the characterizing<br />
words and cadences of Patty Reed’s voice.<br />
“I would not call it an actual sound in my head,”<br />
he recalls; “nor was it the quaver of ghostly sentences<br />
rising out of shadowy cobwebs at the far<br />
side of the attic. Rather, it was the distinct sense<br />
of a certain way of remembering, a way of speaking<br />
as the elderly woman Patty Reed might have<br />
spoken in the years when she lived here, before<br />
she died in the bedroom downstairs.” It was the<br />
advent of that voice, he goes on, that “gave me a<br />
way into this novel.” 21<br />
There can be no question that Jim’s empathic<br />
ingress to Patty’s sensibility is integral to the success<br />
of Snow Mountain Passage. She is a sturdy<br />
but forgiving moralist who does not shrink from<br />
the appraisal of her father’s very consequential<br />
character flaws and errors in judgment. “I cannot<br />
excuse him,” she admits; “yet neither is it my<br />
place to judge him, as others have, or to judge<br />
the way he contended with the trials of that crossing.”<br />
Her father attracted enemies, she recalls, in<br />
her vigorous western vernacular, “like an open jar<br />
of jam will gather ants and blowflies. This cannot<br />
be denied.” 22<br />
Patty is a woman made wise before her years<br />
by the terrible events of her childhood. “By age<br />
nine,” she reflects, “I had come to see that each<br />
hour of my life was a wonder.” But we approach<br />
the deep human center of what Patty Reed has<br />
taken from her experience in the novel’s extraordinary<br />
opening, an extract from the fictional “trail<br />
notes” that Jim created as the vehicle for her
unique voice. Describing a dream in which she<br />
sees her mother, Patty writes, “She was speaking<br />
words I could not hear. I ran through the snow,<br />
while her mouth spoke the silent words. I was<br />
young, a little girl, and also the age I am now. For<br />
a long time I ran toward her with outstretched<br />
arms. Finally I was close enough to hear her soft<br />
voice say, ‘You understand that men will always<br />
leave you.’ I stopped running and in my mind<br />
called out to her, ‘No. It isn’t so!’ Her mouth<br />
twitched, as if she were about to speak again.<br />
She wanted to say, ‘Listen to me, Patty.’ She was<br />
trying to say it. I woke up then and spoke aloud.<br />
‘Women leave you too.’ I was speaking right to<br />
her, and I waited, expecting to hear her voice in<br />
my ear, as if she were close by me in the dark. I<br />
whispered, ‘Don’t you remember?’ But she was<br />
gone.” 23<br />
Too soon and too painfully for a child, that long,<br />
desperate winter in the Sierra taught Patty that<br />
there are no sure things in life, no durable stays<br />
against the sense of defenseless isolation and<br />
vulnerability that overtakes many people, usually<br />
at some later stage in their allotted time. When<br />
she needs them most—when her child’s real-<br />
Approximately half of the members of the Donner Party who were<br />
trapped in the Sierra Nevada during the deadly winter of 1846–47<br />
perished. Among those who survived, the Reed family settled in San<br />
Jose. Later, Patty Reed (1838–1923) lived in the Victorian house<br />
overlooking the East Cliff beaches of Santa Cruz that became home<br />
in 1962 to Houston and his wife, Jeanne. Patty posed for this photograph<br />
circa 1920 at the house, from which Houston envisioned her<br />
recollections of the Donner saga in Snow Mountain Passage. Following<br />
the book’s publication, Houston recalled:<br />
“I can still sit in the rocking chair Patty Reed sat in eighty-five<br />
years ago. I can look into a beveled mirror she once looked into,<br />
above the oak-paneled fireplace. From the verandah I can regard<br />
her view of Monterey Bay, which still glitters and beckons, and<br />
consider that on the day we moved in, back in 1962, her story,<br />
her family’s story, was already waiting here, inside the house.”<br />
Courtesy, History San José<br />
ity is suddenly exposed to extremes of danger,<br />
deprivation, and the grossest human degradation—both<br />
parents, responding to the necessities<br />
of the crisis, leave her to face the nightmare<br />
on her own. Mortal diminishment and panic in<br />
the face of encroaching anomie is the novel’s<br />
defining theme. Bereft “in the midst of a treeless<br />
desert,” the pioneers are “strangers again, more<br />
estranged than before they met, estranged and<br />
abandoned.” 24<br />
Unfairly judged and then banished from the<br />
wagon train, James Frazier Reed imagines himself<br />
“marooned upon the lonesome face of a<br />
far-off planet, a hundred million miles out into<br />
space, looking back upon this rolling speck, as<br />
small as the smallest pinpoint in the vault of<br />
stars.” All such images have their affective center<br />
of gravity in Patty’s shattering childhood encounter<br />
with parental betrayal at a time of crisis. “I<br />
don’t have to tell you what it felt like,” she writes,<br />
evidently confident that we will understand, “to<br />
be that age and have both your mother and your<br />
father disappear into country that seemed to have<br />
no beginning and no end.” 25<br />
21
22<br />
This photograph of Truckee Lake, where Patty Reed and sixteen other members of the Donner Party were rescued, was taken<br />
from Frémont Pass in 1868 as the Central Pacific Railroad reached completion. The areas inhabited by the emigrants became<br />
known as Donner Pass, Donner Lake, and Donner Peak. In Snow Mountain Passage, Patty observed:<br />
“When I was a girl there were no trains anywhere yet out here. When we came through the mountains there was hardly<br />
any trail. Where the train cuts through the Sierra Nevada now, we made that trail. What a long road we have traveled.”<br />
U.S. Geological Survey (USGS) Central Regional Library, A. J. Russell Collection<br />
Taking a cue from Grace Paley, Jim has acknowledged<br />
that in order to finish his novel he had<br />
to supplement Patty Reed’s voice with a second<br />
narrative, one which “comes rising up next to the<br />
first, or sometimes comes rising up inside it, and<br />
it’s the telling of the two together that makes the<br />
story.” This second formal and thematic ingredient<br />
integral to the success of Snow Mountain<br />
Passage is the omniscient treatment of the larger<br />
story of the star-crossed migration from Illinois,<br />
through the horrific winter in the Sierra, and<br />
down at last to the promised land in <strong>California</strong>.<br />
The featured player in this half of the drama, and<br />
the counterpoint to Patty’s “strong and contem-<br />
<strong>California</strong> History • volume 87 number 4 2010<br />
plative presence,” is her father, who embodies the<br />
“restless male urge to pull up stakes and make<br />
the headlong continental crossing.” 26<br />
Like so many others who risked the dangerous<br />
journey, James Frazier Reed comes to <strong>California</strong><br />
following a dream of a fresh start in a new<br />
land. He wants adventure and opportunities for<br />
leadership. Most of all, he looks forward to the<br />
day when his family will settle and prosper in a<br />
place of beauty and abundance, a place like the<br />
orchard land adjacent to an abandoned mission<br />
near San Jose. He covets this land as a sanctuary<br />
whose possession will answer a deep human
craving—felt most profoundly by his daughter<br />
Patty—for security, permanence, and repose. “In<br />
his mind,” Reed “sees the year turn, he sees the<br />
pruned limbs sprout new buds. He sees the pears<br />
and plums spring forth, burdening the limbs. He<br />
sees his children climbing among the branches,<br />
and scurrying between the rows to gather windfall<br />
fruit.” 27 This, surely, is something worth<br />
fighting for.<br />
But in the course of achieving his dream, Reed<br />
and his fellow pioneers help to wrest power from<br />
the resident colonials and to violently dispossess<br />
the much larger indigenous population. By the<br />
terms of conquest, security and abundance for<br />
the conquerors are the yield on terrible deracination<br />
and penury for the conquered. While her<br />
father fights valiantly for control of the territory,<br />
Patty, clinging to life in the snowbound Sierra,<br />
discovers “another hero standing in reserve. His<br />
name was Salvador.” 28 In token of his loyalty to<br />
the forsaken child, the young Indian guide gives<br />
her his adobe amulet to wear around her neck.<br />
Later on, as circumstances grow increasingly<br />
dire, poor Salvador is killed and cannibalized by<br />
other members of the party. At novel’s end, his<br />
surviving brother, Carlos, turns up at the mission<br />
orchard that the victorious Reed has now claimed<br />
as a home for his family. Carlos recognizes the<br />
amulet and demands an account of his brother’s<br />
fate. As the terrible truth spills out, Patty realizes<br />
that Salvador’s family, “the sons, the father, the<br />
mother too, a family much like ours,” had until<br />
very recently made their home on the mission<br />
orchard. Carlos gives voice to “a low groan” that<br />
The reunion of Patty and her father, James Frazier Reed, is imagined in this sketch from an 1849 account of the <strong>California</strong><br />
and Oregon territories. Through Patty’s voice in Snow Mountain Passage, Houston described James at the start of their journey—a<br />
depiction that was inevitably altered by the tragic events that followed:<br />
“He was a dreamer, as they all were then, dreaming and scheming, never content, and we were all drawn along in<br />
the wagon behind the dreamer, drawn along in the dusty wake. . . . Sometimes very early, before it gets light, I will<br />
still see him the way he looked the day we left Illinois. In his face I see true pleasure and a boyish gleam that meant<br />
his joy of life was running at the full.”<br />
J. Quinn Thornton, Oregon and <strong>California</strong> in 1848, vol. 2 (new York: Harper & Brothers, Publishers, 1849), 196;<br />
<strong>California</strong> <strong>Historical</strong> <strong>Society</strong><br />
23
24<br />
c a l i f o r n i a l e g a c i e s<br />
soon “swelled to a howling wail” of grief for his<br />
brother and for the many thousands more whose<br />
lives were destroyed by the conquest. 29<br />
In this powerfully moving denouement, Jim<br />
draws into sharpened focus the sense of imminent,<br />
retributive catastrophe that runs through<br />
his earlier novels. All those restless, conquering<br />
dreamers and adventurers and settlers are prey<br />
to the nameless, unshakable melancholy, rooted<br />
in historical guilt, which hangs over places like<br />
<strong>California</strong>, where innocent people have been<br />
made homeless so that others might claim a<br />
new place in the world. This is the deeper moral<br />
significance of those recurrent earthquakes and<br />
floods and volcanic eruptions. Patty recognizes<br />
that the faithful Salvador, truly her savior, was<br />
sacrificed to the fruition of her father’s dream of<br />
possession, continuity, and prosperity. She sees<br />
that her long, stable, abundant life has its roots<br />
in Salvador’s lonely grave. Here, then, is the<br />
source of the chastened gratitude and melancholy<br />
that run through Patty’s story. “If only we could<br />
find a way to inhabit a place without having to<br />
possess it,” she broods; “it’s possession that<br />
divides us.” 30<br />
The formal and thematic elements that combine<br />
so successfully in Snow Mountain Passage reappear<br />
in Jim’s last complete novel, Bird of Another<br />
Heaven, which was published in 2007. Sheridan<br />
Brody, a young radio talk show host in San Francisco,<br />
is unexpectedly contacted by a long-lost<br />
grandmother who puts him in touch with his<br />
remote Hawaiian and Native American roots.<br />
The theme, once again, is history, this time with<br />
a special emphasis on racial diversity and on the<br />
grave injustices wrought by nineteenth-century<br />
American expansion in <strong>California</strong> and the Hawaiian<br />
Islands. Sheridan’s program, which reaches<br />
out to a highly diverse audience, is dedicated<br />
to letting “the past speak to the present,” 31 not<br />
least of all by renewing and strengthening ties<br />
between generations.<br />
<strong>California</strong> History • volume 87 number 4 2010<br />
Locating the self in space is also important, as<br />
the novel’s leading characters scrutinize complex<br />
genealogies in order to find their proper homes<br />
in the sprawling geography of the Pacific Rim.<br />
For Nani Keala, Jim’s mixed-race great-grandmother,<br />
identity runs “deeper than ownership,<br />
deeper than boosterism or patriotism. . . . Hers<br />
was an ancestral bond rooted in bedrock not<br />
made of documents.” 32 Finally, like Snow Mountain<br />
Passage before it, Bird of Another Heaven<br />
unfolds in two narratives that run along parallel<br />
tracks toward a final, clarifying resolution.<br />
Sheridan’s story, related in the first person, is<br />
an attempted reconstruction of the mysterious<br />
events surrounding the 1891 death of the Hawaiian<br />
King Kalakaua in San Francisco’s Palace<br />
Hotel. At intervals, meanwhile, Sheridan’s greatgrandmother’s<br />
intimate role in the mystery—she<br />
was the king’s distant cousin and lover—is set<br />
forth by an omniscient narrator. The partial solution<br />
to the mystery emerges from the convergence<br />
of the two narratives at the novel’s end.<br />
Quite in spite of these important similarities, the<br />
two novels differ dramatically in tone and overall<br />
effect. Snow Mountain Passage is grounded in<br />
well-documented history. It enhances our sense<br />
of the past not by expanding our knowledge of<br />
what happened, but rather by imagining—with<br />
extraordinary empathy—how those events might<br />
have felt to a vulnerable young person caught up<br />
in them. So persuasive and so profound is Jim’s<br />
insight into Patty Reed’s ordeal that we come<br />
away from the novel with an enhanced appreciation<br />
of what it means to be human. By comparison,<br />
Bird of Another Heaven builds on a very<br />
slight historical foundation, the death of the king<br />
of Hawaii in San Francisco. The rest, except for<br />
intermittent references to the American takeover,<br />
is mostly invented.<br />
The paired strands of narrative that Jim erects on<br />
this base are both extremely intricate, involving<br />
a cast of characters bridging several generations,<br />
scattered across numerous locales, and engaged
in a wide variety of activities. True, there is a<br />
measure of clarifying convergence at the novel’s<br />
conclusion, but the overall journey has a diffuseness<br />
that contrasts with the focused forward<br />
thrust of Snow Mountain Passage. The realism<br />
of the parallel narratives of Patty Reed and her<br />
father is plausible and compelling; we never<br />
doubt that these events happened in this way and<br />
with this impact on the actors involved.<br />
Bird of Another Heaven, by contrast, with its<br />
emphasis on mystery and conspiracy, its exotic<br />
settings, improbable alliances, breathless sexuality,<br />
and heavy reliance on coincidence, has the<br />
feel of a romance, complete with the resolution<br />
of conflict in a concluding marriage. The<br />
pleasures to be derived from fiction constructed<br />
along such lines are many, to be sure, especially<br />
when the workmanship is as skillful as Jim’s.<br />
Yet it seems likely that some—and perhaps<br />
many—of his most devoted readers will continue<br />
to gravitate to Snow Mountain Passage for the<br />
sterner but more bracing and durable satisfactions<br />
that it affords.<br />
At the end of his life, Jim left behind the wellconstructed<br />
first draft of a substantial portion—perhaps<br />
a quarter or a third—of a kind of<br />
sequel to Bird of Another Heaven. Titled A Queen’s<br />
Journey, it is the story of King Kalakaua’s sister<br />
and successor to the throne, Queen Liliuokalani,<br />
who labored strenuously but ultimately in vain<br />
to obstruct the 1898 American annexation of the<br />
Hawaiian Islands. The novel, cast in the same<br />
literary mold as its predecessor, is narrated by a<br />
New Englander who has loved the queen since<br />
their first meeting in Honolulu in 1868 and who<br />
now, thirty years later, serves as her personal secretary<br />
during a lobbying mission to Washington,<br />
D.C. It is, of course, a narrative moving with<br />
historical inevitability toward ultimate defeat.<br />
Equally clearly, however, the plans for its unfolding<br />
made ample provision for romance, mystery,<br />
and intrigue. 33<br />
a naTivE son oF ThE golDEn WEsT<br />
Jim Houston, husband, parent, musician,<br />
teacher, and professional writer par excellence,<br />
was a native son of the golden West, genus californianus.<br />
But if he was a superb example of a<br />
human type often represented in his writing,<br />
he was also something more. In his books, as<br />
in his life, Jim never lost sight of the larger<br />
world—stretching from Europe across the Atlantic,<br />
westward across the United States, and outward<br />
into the Pacific—whose people and stories<br />
flowed together and fused in his identity. He was<br />
intensely local and just as intensely global all at<br />
the same time.<br />
A writer of imagination, style, and seemingly<br />
effortless lucidity, he was self-effacing in all<br />
things, not least in eschewing trendy literary<br />
sophistication. A splendid raconteur, he always<br />
put the story first—a story of restless people in<br />
motion, seeking opportunity, wealth, security,<br />
and redemption in regions new at least to themselves,<br />
receding ever westward. He loved the<br />
ease and warmth and freedom of life in northern<br />
<strong>California</strong>, most especially in coastal country<br />
made famous before him by Jeffers and Steinbeck.<br />
His humor, optimism, and generosity of<br />
spirit were deeply rooted in this most favored<br />
of places, though he knew something as well of<br />
earthquakes, floods, and the answering history of<br />
human destructiveness in the region. Emerging<br />
as it does from this richly mingled background,<br />
Jim’s message to us is clear: love this place as<br />
you love your life in it, and preserve it for those<br />
who follow.<br />
Forrest G. Robinson is professor of humanities at the<br />
University of <strong>California</strong>, Santa Cruz. He took his B.A. at<br />
Northwestern University and his M.A. and Ph.D. at Harvard<br />
University. He has published numerous books and articles on<br />
western subjects, including, most notably, Mark Twain, Wallace<br />
Stegner, Owen Wister, Willa Cather, Jack London, Josiah<br />
Royce, Carey McWilliams, Jack Schaefer, Kevin Starr, and the<br />
new western history.<br />
25
LUTH BurbAnk’s<br />
spinELEss CAcTus:<br />
Boom TimEs in ThE<br />
CALIForniA DEs T<br />
By Jane S. Smith<br />
here’s a way to end world hunger<br />
and make the desert bloom: take<br />
the common prickly pear cactus<br />
that grows wild throughout the Southwest, use<br />
hybridization and selection to “persuade” it to<br />
relinquish its sharp spines, plant the improved<br />
version across the arid regions of the world, and<br />
open up the range to grazing cattle.<br />
That was the plan of Luther Burbank, <strong>California</strong>’s<br />
most celebrated plant breeder in the early years<br />
of the twentieth century, and it captured the<br />
imagination—and the dollars—of a surprising<br />
number of people the world over. From 1905 to<br />
1916, Burbank’s spineless cactus was the center<br />
of an agricultural bubble held aloft by the combined<br />
winds of genuine need, popular science,<br />
the eternal pursuit of quick profits, and, most of<br />
all, the extraordinary fame of Burbank himself.<br />
The story of the spineless cactus craze is a<br />
tragicomedy in several acts, with many prickly<br />
repercussions, but at the turn of the last century<br />
26 <strong>California</strong> History • volume 87 number 4 2010<br />
it was hardly an isolated example of <strong>California</strong>’s<br />
pursuit of new and better crops. From grapes<br />
and olives in the Napa Valley to cotton in Kern<br />
County and dates in Indio, <strong>California</strong> was being<br />
transformed by agricultural innovation. All over<br />
the state, optimistic growers were busy draining,<br />
irrigating, terracing, tilling, and doing whatever<br />
else seemed necessary to transform the largely<br />
uncultivated Pacific paradise into a functioning<br />
commercial garden.<br />
Luther Burbank (1849–1926) was the most famous<br />
plant breeder of his day. By his own successful example—well<br />
publicized by myriad writers and reporters—<br />
he popularized the idea that plants can be shaped to<br />
fit human needs. Credited with advancing the science<br />
of plant breeding, he was an early and major contributor<br />
to the state’s growing agricultural industry. This<br />
photograph of Burbank at leisure circa 1895 belies his<br />
indefatigable efforts, for more than fifty years, to create<br />
new plants, including the spineless cactus—one of<br />
approximately 800 Burbank varieties of trees, flowers,<br />
fruits, vegetables, nuts, berries, and grains.<br />
Courtesy of the Library of Congress
28<br />
Burbank’s spineless cactus plan never quite<br />
worked, as either cattle feed or instant riches, and<br />
its decade-long burst of promotion, cultivation,<br />
speculation, and exploitation is now almost lost<br />
in the crowded annals of financial miscalculation.<br />
Specimens still grow in many parts of <strong>California</strong>,<br />
often as unnamed components of the home<br />
garden, but both the man and his contribution<br />
to desert agriculture have faded from popular<br />
memory. 1 Like the eucalyptus tree, widely promoted<br />
during the same period as a fast-growing<br />
source of timber and now tolerated as a fragrant<br />
fire hazard of little or no commercial value, the<br />
spineless cactus, with its aura of easy profits, is a<br />
reminder of the race to riches that has characterized<br />
<strong>California</strong> history from the Gold Rush to the<br />
dot.com bubbles of the late twentieth century.<br />
ThE WizarD oF sanTa rosa<br />
Excitement about the spineless cactus—a thornfree<br />
variety of the Opuntia—had been building<br />
for several years when Burbank launched his<br />
newest plant wonder on the open market with<br />
a special twenty-eight-page catalog, The New<br />
Agricultural-Horticultural Opuntias: Plant Creations<br />
for Arid Regions, on June 1, 1907. In the<br />
timeless tradition of nursery catalogs, the publication<br />
featured enticing descriptions, testimonial<br />
letters, and optimistic projects of potential yields,<br />
here combined with laboratory analyses of the<br />
cactus’s nutritional value and clear photographic<br />
evidence of the product’s existence. In part, the<br />
catalog’s simplistic style seemed more appropriate<br />
for young readers. “Everybody knows that<br />
Baldwin apples, Bartlett pears and our favorite<br />
peaches, plums and cherries cannot be raised<br />
from seeds,” Burbank wrote. “The same laws<br />
hold true with the improved Opuntias, but fortunately<br />
they can be raised from cuttings in any<br />
quantity with the utmost ease. More truly they<br />
raise themselves, for when broken from the par-<br />
<strong>California</strong> History • volume 87 number 4 2010<br />
ent plant, the cuttings attend to the rooting without<br />
further attention, whether planted right end<br />
up, bottom up, sideways or not at all.” 2<br />
Such simplicity did not come cheap, however.<br />
The marvelous new cacti were well beyond the<br />
reach of child and almost every adult; the price<br />
for complete possession of one of Burbank’s<br />
eight new varieties ranged from one to ten thousand<br />
dollars. The New Agricultural-Horticultural<br />
Opuntias was aimed at professional plant dealers<br />
who would buy the prototypes, multiply them<br />
on their own grounds, and sell the results to<br />
the retail trade. This was Burbank’s preferred<br />
method for disseminating his work, and both<br />
his extraordinary products and his eye-popping<br />
prices ensured huge publicity for the new spineless<br />
cactus, as it had for his other introductions<br />
in the past.<br />
By 1907, Burbank was already an international<br />
celebrity unique in the annals of plant breeding.<br />
As a young man, he had read Charles Darwin’s<br />
Variations of Animals and Plants Under Domestication<br />
and had been inspired to seek out and foster<br />
the innate variability of all living things. While<br />
still in his early twenties and living in Massachusetts,<br />
he developed an admirably large, productive,<br />
tasty, blight-resistant potato. After exhibiting<br />
his new potato at agricultural fairs, Burbank sold<br />
the rights to a local seed merchant and used the<br />
profit—the grand sum of $150—to emigrate<br />
in 1875 to Santa Rosa, the small but booming<br />
town north of San Francisco where his younger<br />
brother Alfred lived.<br />
Today, over a century later, the Burbank potato—<br />
usually seen in its russet-skinned variation<br />
and now known as the Idaho potato, the russet<br />
potato, or simply the baking potato—remains the<br />
most widely grown potato in the world. But for<br />
Burbank, it was only the beginning of his life’s<br />
work in <strong>California</strong>: the development of at least<br />
eight hundred new varieties of agricultural and<br />
horticultural wonders for farm and garden. 3
Burbank considered the rich and fertile soil of Sonoma County ideal for conducting his plant-breeding experiments. In 1885, he<br />
purchased ten acres west of Sebastopol and established the Gold Ridge Experiment Farm as an open-air laboratory for his largescale<br />
investigations. There he planted his creations, usually several hundred at a time, in long rows—sometimes more than 700<br />
feet—running north and south. Though he did not develop the spineless cactus at Gold Ridge, Burbank demonstrated that the climate<br />
of Sonoma County was favorable for growing numerous varieties of the specimen.<br />
Courtesy of the Luther Burbank Home & Gardens, Santa Rosa, <strong>California</strong>, lutherburbank.org<br />
For more than thirty years since his arrival in<br />
Santa Rosa, Burbank had produced a steady<br />
stream of new products—fruits, vegetables,<br />
flowers, nuts, berries, trees, and grains. Catalogs<br />
advertising his “new creations,” bred behind the<br />
picket fence of his large garden in Santa Rosa<br />
or at his experiment farm in nearby Sebastopol,<br />
were distributed to growers throughout <strong>California</strong><br />
and the United States and to every continent<br />
except Antarctica.<br />
Hybrid plums, giant cherries, freestone peaches,<br />
exotic lilies, the enormously popular Shasta<br />
daisy, and a winter rhubarb so profitable grow-<br />
ers called it ”the mortgage lifter” all helped to<br />
generate large commercial markets in a period<br />
of agricultural expansion that amounted to a second<br />
gold rush for Burbank’s adopted state. For<br />
years, reporters and photographers hovered about<br />
his grounds, waiting for the latest report of this<br />
season’s dazzling new improvements on the raw<br />
material of nature.<br />
Burbank was lauded by growers, processors, and<br />
shippers for the new businesses built from his<br />
products, but he was even more celebrated for<br />
his almost magical ability to transform plants by<br />
removing what would seem to be their defining<br />
29
Among Burbank’s creations was a gigantic white evening primrose. In his posthumously published book The Harvest<br />
of the Years, Burbank called the effect of a field of his primroses “handkerchiefs spread on a lawn.” This photograph,<br />
made circa 1909 behind his Santa Rosa home, shows beds of poppies beyond the primroses and several varieties of<br />
cactus against the fence.<br />
Courtesy of the Library of Congress<br />
30 <strong>California</strong> History • volume 87 number 4 2010
characteristic. Since publication of his first New<br />
Creations in Fruits and Flowers catalog in 1893,<br />
reporters had gleefully called him the Wizard of<br />
Santa Rosa, filling their columns with descriptions<br />
of paradoxical varieties like the white<br />
blackberry, the stoneless plum, the “everlasting”<br />
flower, a bright red version of the golden <strong>California</strong><br />
poppy, and the Paradox walnut tree that provided<br />
valuable hardwood lumber but grew as fast<br />
as a pine or other soft wood.<br />
In the context of these earlier triumphs, the<br />
spineless cactus was only the latest demonstration<br />
of Burbank’s uncanny ability to bend nature<br />
to his will. In the words of Governor George C.<br />
Pardee, “Working quietly and modestly among<br />
his trees and vines, our friend Burbank has<br />
worked what, to our lay minds, appear almost<br />
like miracles. He has changed the characters<br />
and appearances of fruits and flowers, turned<br />
pigmies into giants, sweetened the bitter and the<br />
sour, transformed noxious weeds into valuable<br />
plants, and verily set the seal of his disapproval<br />
upon much that to him and us seems wrong in<br />
Nature’s handiwork. For us he has done much;<br />
and to him the whole world is indebted.” 4<br />
Governor Pardee, like <strong>California</strong>’s commercial<br />
leaders, recognized how much Burbank had contributed<br />
to the state’s highly profitable shift from<br />
fertile promise to actual production. In the search<br />
for a man of genius who could embody both the<br />
aspirations and achievements of <strong>California</strong> as<br />
the major supplier of the world’s food, no single<br />
individual rivaled Luther Burbank, and no praise<br />
seemed too excessive.<br />
a sElF-MaDE invEnTor<br />
To many of his admirers, Burbank’s life was as<br />
appealing as his garden inventions. First there<br />
was his New England lineage, a fact that Burbank<br />
himself did not consider very important<br />
but which other people honored as a link to the<br />
nation’s very beginnings. When Burbank was<br />
A Man of Genius<br />
Edward J. Wickson, professor of agriculture at<br />
the University of <strong>California</strong>, joined notables such<br />
as Thomas A. Edison and Theodore Roosevelt in<br />
voicing his admiration of Luther Burbank. Wickson<br />
dedicated his book The <strong>California</strong> Fruits and<br />
How to Grow Them (1900) to the imaginative and<br />
productive plant breeder:<br />
To LuTHEr BurBAnk, of SAnTA<br />
roSA, wHoSE CrEATivE Hor-<br />
TiCuLTurAL gEniuS HAS, By<br />
nEw CoinAgE of “BLooming,<br />
AmBroSiAL fruiT of vEgETA-<br />
BLE goLD,” AmpLy rEquiTED<br />
THE worLD’S gifT of THE<br />
CHoiCEST fLowErS AnD fruiTS<br />
for THE ADvAnCEmEnT AnD<br />
ADornmEnT of CALiforniA—<br />
THuS BESTowing nEw HonorS<br />
upon THE STATE AnD nEw<br />
riCHES upon mAnkinD—THiS<br />
work iS CorDiALLy inSCriBED<br />
AS An ExponEnT of ESTEEm<br />
AnD ApprECiATion.<br />
Edward J. Wickson, The <strong>California</strong> Fruits and How to Grow Them:<br />
A Manual of Methods Which Have Yielded Greatest Success; With<br />
Lists of Varieties Best Adapted to the Different Districts of the State<br />
(San Francisco: Pacific Rural Press, 1900); <strong>California</strong> <strong>Historical</strong> <strong>Society</strong><br />
31
32<br />
born in Lancaster, Massachusetts, in 1849, the<br />
family already had lived in New England for<br />
over two centuries and could claim a long line of<br />
teachers, clergymen, craftsmen, and manufacturers.<br />
At a time when Massachusetts dominated<br />
the cultural scene, such contemporary literary<br />
lions as Longfellow, Alcott, Emerson, and Thoreau<br />
were familiar names in the house, and<br />
Emerson and Thoreau, along with Alexander von<br />
Humboldt, remained Burbank’s favorite authors<br />
throughout his life.<br />
Burbank’s second appeal was that he had left<br />
New England. Luther was Samuel Burbank’s thirteenth<br />
child by his third wife, and two older half<br />
brothers had joined the surge of migrants to <strong>California</strong><br />
in the 1850s, settling in Marin County. A<br />
true child of the Gold Rush years, Luther grew up<br />
reading his brothers’ letters about the wonders<br />
of their adopted state. That he followed them<br />
west made him a perfect representative of the<br />
transcontinental transfer of power and influence<br />
that has long been a point of pride for <strong>California</strong><br />
boosters.<br />
Finally, there was Burbank’s status as a selftaught<br />
genius, always a form of popular hero.<br />
The Burbank brickyard in Lancaster had provided<br />
a comfortable living, but the family was far from<br />
rich. When Samuel’s death ended Luther’s studies<br />
at the Lancaster Academy and foreclosed<br />
any prospect of college, the fatherless young<br />
man escaped his factory job by going to the<br />
Lancaster Public Library, where he read natural<br />
history, including Darwin. Thirty years later, he<br />
was recognized as a practical inventor on a par<br />
with Thomas Edison and Henry Ford, two other<br />
giants who had skipped the lecture hall to create<br />
the transformational products that formed the<br />
modern world. 5<br />
Despite the lack of any sort of advanced education<br />
in biology, botany, horticulture, or agriculture,<br />
Burbank won great respect from the expand-<br />
<strong>California</strong> History • volume 87 number 4 2010<br />
ing profession of science. Beginning in the late<br />
1890s, there had been a rising tide of professional<br />
interest in his achievements from those working<br />
in both the laboratory and the field. Scientific<br />
groups invited him to deliver papers, and federal<br />
agents from the newly formed Agricultural Experiment<br />
Stations made pilgrimages to Santa Rosa to<br />
meet the master and observe his work. Hugo de<br />
Vries, the Dutch geneticist who was a celebrated<br />
leader in the rediscovery of Gregor Mendel and<br />
the inventor of the word “mutation,” accepted an<br />
invitation to lecture at the University of <strong>California</strong><br />
at Berkeley because, he admitted, he wanted to<br />
visit Burbank; afterward, he took back photographs<br />
and samples of Burbank products to use<br />
in his lectures in Europe. Liberty Hyde Bailey, the<br />
Cornell University professor widely regarded as<br />
the dean of American horticulture, also came to<br />
Berkeley largely because of its proximity to Santa<br />
Rosa; dazzled by the range of experiments he saw<br />
in Burbank’s small garden in the middle of the<br />
city, he praised the self-educated plant breeder as<br />
“a painstaking, conscientious investigator of the<br />
best type.” 6<br />
Local boosters were even more enthusiastic about<br />
Burbank’s achievements. In 1903, the <strong>California</strong><br />
Academy of Sciences celebrated its fiftieth anniversary<br />
by awarding Burbank a gold medal “for<br />
meritorious work in developing new forms of<br />
plant life,” calling him the most important scientist<br />
of the past half century. 7 Edward Wickson,<br />
soon to be dean of the College of Agriculture at<br />
the University of <strong>California</strong>, declared that “Mr.<br />
Burbank’s thought and work have passed beyond<br />
even the highest levels of horticulture, known<br />
as horticultural science, into the domain of science<br />
itself.” 8 David Starr Jordan, president of<br />
Stanford University and himself a noted biologist,<br />
appointed Burbank Special Lecturer on<br />
Evolution; Jordan later collaborated with Vernon<br />
Kellogg, professor of entomology at Stanford,<br />
on a series of articles known collectively as The<br />
Scientific Aspects of Luther Burbank’s Work. 9 And
in 1905, as though bestowing a special seal of<br />
scientific approval, the Carnegie Institution of<br />
Washington, D.C., granted Burbank the enormous<br />
sum of ten thousand dollars per year to<br />
support his experiments in plant evolution and<br />
hired a young geneticist, complete with the Ph.D.<br />
Burbank lacked, to record his methods.<br />
ThE MiraCulous oPuntia<br />
By the time Burbank had introduced his spineless<br />
cactus, then, he was a star whose name and<br />
face were familiar around the world, a darling<br />
of the business community whose products and<br />
reputation elevated every phase of <strong>California</strong><br />
commerce, and a plant “evoluter” (his own preferred<br />
title) whose abilities had been certified by<br />
leaders of academic science. And now he was<br />
offering a new crop from which a great many<br />
people hoped to make a lot of money.<br />
In September 1907, three months after the New<br />
Opuntias catalog appeared, the National Irrigation<br />
Congress held its fifteenth annual meeting<br />
in Sacramento. As the main speaker, Luther Burbank<br />
repeated his prediction that the spineless<br />
cactus would solve the problem of what to feed<br />
livestock in the parched regions of the world.<br />
“Of course my first object was to get a thornless<br />
[cactus],” Burbank told the assembly. “Then next<br />
to get an individual which would produce a great<br />
weight of forage to the acre. That has been very<br />
well accomplished. I have now a cactus that will<br />
produce 200 tons of food per acre . . . as safe to<br />
handle and as safe to feed as beets, potatoes, carrots<br />
or pumpkins.” 10 Warning his listeners that<br />
much remained to be done, Burbank concluded<br />
his speech with a bit of boastful hyperbole that<br />
would become the gospel of his many promoters:<br />
“My object is to combine this great production<br />
with great nutrition. Then, my opinion is, the<br />
cactus will be the most important plant on earth<br />
for arid regions and I have not the least doubt of<br />
securing that.” 11<br />
Other presenters addressed such important<br />
issues as grazing rights, timber sales in U.S.<br />
forests, federal support for irrigation programs,<br />
and the development of inland waterways, but<br />
it was Burbank’s spineless cactus that received<br />
the most extensive coverage in the press. The<br />
Los Angeles Times, among many other papers,<br />
printed the Associated Press’s report on the conference<br />
on its front page the following day under<br />
the headline “Wizard’s Wisdom.” Other reports<br />
noted that the cactus fruit, no longer a “prickly”<br />
pear, would now become a delectable treat on the<br />
family table. Already, Burbank’s cautions that his<br />
spineless cactus was still a work in progress were<br />
forgotten under the dazzling prospect of succulent<br />
fruits and nourishing fodder newly available<br />
for painless consumption.<br />
Indeed, miraculous crop introductions could and<br />
did happen. In 1873, Eliza Tibbets, a resident<br />
of the struggling three-year-old city of Riverside,<br />
<strong>California</strong>, received two bud stocks from<br />
the U.S. Department of Agriculture (USDA),<br />
“sports” that were derived from a seedless orange<br />
discovered in Bahia, Brazil. The fruit proved to<br />
be hearty, delicious, and conveniently free of<br />
seeds. The new navel orange, as it was called,<br />
did very well in southern <strong>California</strong>’s dry climate<br />
and soon other growers were planting cuttings<br />
from the Tibbets tree. By 1880, local grower<br />
Thomas W. Cover had employed Chinese and<br />
Native American workers to bud seven hundred<br />
trees to navels; a few years later, profits from the<br />
Riverside navels had allowed the community to<br />
survive the 1888 collapse in land values (another<br />
frequent event in <strong>California</strong> history). By 1895,<br />
Riverside boasted the highest per capita income<br />
in the state. There was no reason at all to think<br />
that lightning couldn’t strike twice.<br />
33
34<br />
Numerous catalogs and flyers advertised the spineless cactus. “Dry seasons, which<br />
are certain to come,” Burbank wrote, “have been and will continue to be the<br />
source of irreparable loss to stock raisers.” Burbank promoted the advantages of<br />
his thornless Opuntia—represented by this specimen (right)—to food producers<br />
throughout the country and worldwide as fodder for animals, for its medicinal<br />
properties, and in the production of juice, jams and preserves, drinks, candy,<br />
and candles.<br />
Flyer, Courtesy of Luther Burbank Home & Gardens, Santa Rosa, <strong>California</strong>,<br />
lutherburbank.org; Cactus specimen, <strong>California</strong> <strong>Historical</strong> <strong>Society</strong>,<br />
USC Special Collections<br />
<strong>California</strong> History • volume 87 number 4 2010
ThE WizarD hybriDizEr<br />
Today, planting the desert with an experimental<br />
breed of spineless cactus seems a very complicated<br />
way to solve a not-too-pressing problem.<br />
Since the middle of the twentieth century, a<br />
combination of high-yield varieties and government<br />
subsidies has made corn so plentiful and<br />
inexpensive that it now supplies up to 40 percent<br />
of cattle feed in the United States. Grass-fed<br />
beef—like the analog clock, the acoustic guitar, or<br />
the gin martini—was a descriptive name coined<br />
after World War II to distinguish it from earlier<br />
products; today the term “corn-fed”—like digital,<br />
electric, or vodka—has become the new norm.<br />
But a hundred years ago, things were different.<br />
In those days, cattle grazed, brought to pasture<br />
by ranchers during the summer months. As<br />
cattle ranches expanded into the deserts of the<br />
American West, where grass did not grow—and<br />
into the arid stretches of South America, Spain,<br />
India, New Zealand, and Africa—the question of<br />
what the animals would eat loomed large.<br />
Burbank was not by any means the first person<br />
to look to the Opuntia for food or profit. In Mexico,<br />
prickly pears (tunas) and paddles (nopales)<br />
had been eaten long before the Spanish conquest,<br />
and the cactus plant had been cultivated<br />
for just as long as a host for the cochineal insect,<br />
a parasite that provided a valuable red dye. The<br />
prickly pear cactus also was used as emergency<br />
livestock feed in the desert, though it required<br />
a laborious process of singeing or rubbing with<br />
abrasives to remove the spines that would otherwise<br />
injure or even kill cattle. During the drought<br />
To cattle ranchers in the dry regions of the Southwest, news of forage that would thrive in the desert and safely nourish<br />
their livestock was especially welcome. “Millions have died from the thorns of the prickly pear cactus,” Burbank noted.<br />
“How would you enjoy being fed on needles, fish-hooks, toothpicks, barbed wire fence, nettles, and chestnut burrs?” he<br />
asked would-be buyers in a catalog. “The wild, thorny cactus is and always must be more or less of a pest.”<br />
<strong>California</strong> <strong>Historical</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, USC Special Collections<br />
35
year of 1903–4, ranchers had turned to modern<br />
gasoline torches to burn off the spines, and the<br />
USDA had conducted extensive analyses of the<br />
nutritional content of the cactus paddles. What<br />
was missing was a way to make the process easy,<br />
attractive, and profitable. That was where the<br />
wizard hybridizer came in, at least according to<br />
the many people who regarded Burbank as a foolproof<br />
source of lucrative products.<br />
The research had been going on for years. When<br />
Burbank first arrived in <strong>California</strong>, he was<br />
entranced by the many local varieties of cactus,<br />
some of which grew very large, and particularly<br />
by the Opuntia, which has edible fruit and is<br />
relatively tolerant of cold. He began working with<br />
the prickly pears in earnest around 1892, following<br />
his usual method: massive hybridization, the<br />
ruthless selection from thousands of specimens<br />
of a few promising seedlings, and repetition of<br />
the process over multiple generations.<br />
The first step of Burbank’s experiment was<br />
to amass a large collection of cacti, primarily<br />
Opuntia. Working with professional plant hunters<br />
and building on his worldwide fame, he<br />
imported specimens from all over <strong>California</strong>;<br />
from states as unlikely as Maine and as close as<br />
Arizona; and from Australia, Japan, Hawaii, Sicily,<br />
South Africa, Mexico, South America, and<br />
Central America. Admirers, knowledgeable about<br />
Burbank’s interest in cacti from the vast number<br />
of newspaper accounts that spread his fame, sent<br />
additional specimens.<br />
The federal government also supported his<br />
efforts. David Fairchild, who worked for the<br />
USDA in a position with the wonderful title of<br />
Plant Explorer, arranged for Burbank to receive<br />
samples from Italy, France, and North Africa, several<br />
of which became direct ancestors of Burbank<br />
varieties. The USDA greenhouse in Washington,<br />
D.C., provided other specimens. The city of San<br />
Diego offered a section of the city park as an<br />
Agricultural Experiment Station for the spine-<br />
36 <strong>California</strong> History • volume 87 number 4 2010<br />
less cactus, 12 and cactus experiment stations were<br />
established in Chico, <strong>California</strong>, and in San Antonio,<br />
Texas, among other locations.<br />
Burbank, meanwhile, rented land in Livermore,<br />
Alameda County, as his own experimental<br />
ground, and contracted with ranchers in other<br />
regions both to test the viability of different<br />
breeds and to grow the quantities of spineless<br />
cactus he would need if he were to have enough<br />
to market. He also sent samples to the head of<br />
the University of <strong>California</strong>’s Department of<br />
Nutrition and Foods at Berkeley, who tested them<br />
and declared them “to have nutritive powers<br />
three-fourths of alfalfa.” 13<br />
MarKETing ThE nEW CaCTus<br />
The first sales of spineless cactus were to dealers<br />
who planned to take them overseas to propagate<br />
for foreign markets. John Rutland, a nurseryman<br />
from Australia who had moved to Sebastopol<br />
to be closer to Burbank’s work, bought the first<br />
slabs of spineless cactus in 1905, a transaction<br />
Burbank publicized by telling reporters he had<br />
made enough on the sale to pay for a new house<br />
in Santa Rosa. 14<br />
Accounts of the new desert crop began to appear<br />
in popular magazines and books, making exaggerated<br />
promises that Burbank claimed forced<br />
him to issue a catalog that would at least be<br />
an accurate description of what was available.<br />
William S. Harwood, a prolific though highly<br />
unreliable reporter who had already written<br />
several ecstatic articles about Burbank when he<br />
published New Creations in Plant Life in 1905, 15<br />
greatly exaggerated all the marvels of Burbank’s<br />
work. In April of the same year, The World Today<br />
published “The Spineless Cactus: The Latest<br />
Plant Marvel Originated by Luther Burbank,” by<br />
Hamilton Wright, who was identified as secretary<br />
of the <strong>California</strong> Promotion Committee.
Burbank conducted extensive experiments in the development of his spineless cactus. Here, Opuntia grow in planters and fields at Burbank’s<br />
experiment grounds in Santa Rosa. David Starr Jordon, president of Stanford University, described Burbank’s process in a 1905<br />
article: “. . . the original stock, prickly; the second generation, slightly prickly; the third, without thorns. . . . This will have very great value<br />
in the arid regions.” Despite Burbank’s lack of formal scientific training, he was inducted into the Agricultural, National Inventors, and<br />
Horticultural halls of fame.<br />
<strong>California</strong> <strong>Historical</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, USC Special Collections<br />
Wright was paid to boost <strong>California</strong>’s reputation<br />
as a source of spectacular new products. A less<br />
partisan reporter, George Wharton James, also<br />
succumbed to the excitement of the spineless cactus<br />
in his 1906 paean to the beauty and romance<br />
of the Southwest, The Wonders of the Colorado Desert<br />
(Southern <strong>California</strong>). Describing the desperate<br />
efforts to rescue livestock during recent drought<br />
years by feeding them cactus paddles from which<br />
the injurious spines had been burned, James was<br />
relieved to report: “Luther Burbank, the wizard of<br />
plant life, has solved the spine problem without<br />
singeing. He has developed a species of spineless<br />
cactus which has high nutritive and water value.<br />
This cactus will undoubtedly, in time, be planted<br />
in large areas of the Colorado and other deserts<br />
and thus aid cattle, if not man, in solving that<br />
most difficult of desert problems,—the permanent<br />
and well-distributed supply of water in the<br />
driest areas.” 16<br />
37
The plant that would rescue cattle also provided<br />
fodder for little minds. Excerpts from<br />
“The Spineless Cactus: The Latest Wonder from<br />
Luther Burbank” appeared in the Texas School<br />
Journal in 1905—the same year Burbank’s own<br />
“The Training of the Human Plant” appeared in<br />
Century magazine, bringing his theories of education<br />
to a wide audience. 17 By December 1907,<br />
three months after his appearance at the National<br />
Irrigation Conference, Burbank seemed a natural<br />
choice to speak at the Southern <strong>California</strong> Teachers’<br />
Association meeting in Los Angeles, where<br />
he once again described his work with the spineless<br />
cactus.<br />
As Burbank was careful to note in his catalogs<br />
and many speeches, cactus is a slow-growing<br />
plant and his best varieties were still under<br />
development. Apart from the early sales to Rutland,<br />
what he offered was a promise—for future<br />
delivery, future profits, and future salvation of<br />
the starving peoples of the world. Marketing was<br />
not something that interested Burbank, and he<br />
wasn’t very good at it. Whenever possible, he<br />
licensed or sold his plant prototypes to large,<br />
well-established companies like Burpee Seeds in<br />
Pennsylvania, Stark Bro’s Nurseries in Missouri,<br />
or Child’s Nurseries, whose establishment was so<br />
large it became the city of Floral Park, New York.<br />
The spineless cactus had little appeal for northern<br />
or eastern dealers, but a number of <strong>California</strong>ns<br />
were eager to relieve Burbank of the<br />
burden of taking his promising new product to<br />
the retail level. The first of these entrepreneurs<br />
was Charles Jay Welch, a well-established rancher<br />
in Merced County. Sometime in 1907, before<br />
Burbank issued his New Opuntias catalog, Welch<br />
had formed the Thornless Cactus Farming Company<br />
in Los Angeles with several partners and<br />
paid Burbank twenty-seven thousand dollars for<br />
the right to grow and market seven varieties of<br />
his new cactus, the biggest single sale Burbank<br />
would ever make.<br />
38 <strong>California</strong> History • volume 87 number 4 2010<br />
By spring 1908, Welch boasted the production of<br />
1,000 new plants each week at Copa de Oro, his<br />
cactus farm in the Coachella Valley. 18 Later that<br />
summer, he advertised that “Burbank’s Thornless<br />
Cactus will produce as high as 200 or 300 tons<br />
of rich, succulent fodder to the acre. Burbank’s<br />
Improved Fruiting Varieties (for Semi-Thornless)<br />
Cactus will produce as much as 100 tons of delicious<br />
fruit to the acre. . . . The Burbank Cactus<br />
has just started its first distribution of these wonderful<br />
plants. Hundreds of people cheerfully paid<br />
their money for plants two years ago and waited<br />
till June, 1909, for delivery.” The Thornless Cactus<br />
Farming Company asserted that it had taken<br />
requests for 50,000 starter slabs of spineless cactus<br />
from customers around the world, before a<br />
single plant had been shipped. Customers ordering<br />
now, however, would receive theirs at once. 19<br />
The prospect of all these far-flung buyers—and<br />
the even more enticing vision of ongoing trade<br />
in both cactus paddles as cattle feed and cactus<br />
fruit as a grocery item—caught the attention of<br />
shipping companies. Railroads wanted new crops<br />
that would appeal to distant markets, and many<br />
carriers already had profited handsomely from<br />
Burbank’s earlier introductions. From potatoes to<br />
prunes, Burbank products were a significant part<br />
of the tons of specialty crops that filled cars heading<br />
east from <strong>California</strong>. 20 Hoping to be both<br />
producer and shipper, the Southern Pacific Railroad<br />
worked from 1908 to 1912 to bring value to<br />
its barren acreage in southern <strong>California</strong> and the<br />
Great Basin by growing Burbank’s spineless cactus.<br />
21 During the same period, the Union Pacific<br />
Railroad sponsored promotions of Burbank products<br />
around the country, with particular emphasis<br />
on the spineless cactus. 22<br />
Meanwhile, Burbank had new varieties ready<br />
for production. Apparently dissatisfied with his<br />
contract with the Thornless Cactus Farming<br />
Company, which was having trouble meeting<br />
scheduled payments, in February 1909 he began<br />
negotiating with Herbert and Hartland Law, who
had made a good deal of money in the patent<br />
medicine business and were the current owners<br />
of San Francisco’s Fairmont Hotel. The Law<br />
brothers established Luther Burbank Products,<br />
Incorporated, to market all of Burbank’s creations,<br />
including the spineless cactus, but at the<br />
last minute the man whose name and fame were<br />
vital to the operation got cold feet and pulled out<br />
of the agreement. For the time being, Burbank<br />
would continue to sell spineless cactus through<br />
his own catalogs and the Thornless Cactus Farming<br />
Company.<br />
aTTraCTing buyErs<br />
While trying to find someone else to handle the<br />
sales of his spineless cactus, Burbank entered<br />
into a separate agreement to market himself<br />
through the publication of a multivolume work<br />
that would provide practical information to budding<br />
farmers and gardeners. The numerous<br />
efforts to write about Luther Burbank are too<br />
vast and complicated to be described here, but<br />
the spineless cactus also figured prominently in<br />
efforts to sell books. 23<br />
Starting in 1911, potential subscribers around<br />
the country received elaborate brochures from a<br />
new organization, the Luther Burbank Publishing<br />
Company, which would soon form a Luther<br />
Burbank <strong>Society</strong> of subscribers and supporters.<br />
The goal was a multivolume work, with lavish<br />
color photographs, that would be at once a practical<br />
guide, a scientific record, and an inspiration<br />
to gardeners and farmers around the world. The<br />
1911 brochure summarized Burbank’s career in<br />
glowing terms and focused on his latest creation,<br />
noting: “There are three billion acres of desert<br />
in the world. . . . It took the imagination of a Burbank<br />
to conceive a way to transform these three<br />
billion acres into productivity.” Using a tense that<br />
might be called “future superlative,” the prospectus<br />
described the amazing values to be expected<br />
of the fruit harvest from the prickly pear without<br />
As a member of the Luther Burbank <strong>Society</strong> from 1912 to 1917, the philanthropist<br />
Phoebe A. Hearst received this 1913 proof book as the first<br />
installment of the society’s plans for publication of the 12-volume Luther<br />
Burbank: His Methods and Discoveries and Their Practical Application.<br />
The chapter on the spineless cactus explained how “in a dozen<br />
years, Mr. Burbank carried the cactus back ages in its ancestry, how he<br />
proved beyond question by planting a thousand cactus seeds that the<br />
spiny cactus descended from a smooth slabbed line of forefathers—how<br />
he brought forth a new race without the suspicion of a spine, and with a<br />
velvet skin, and how he so re-established these old characteristics that the<br />
result was fixed and permanent.”<br />
<strong>California</strong> <strong>Historical</strong> <strong>Society</strong><br />
its prickles and the forage value of the spineless<br />
cactus after the pears were gathered. In an eerie<br />
foreshadowing of the ethanol controversies of<br />
recent years, the booksellers also predicted that<br />
spineless cactus “can produce $1200 of Denatured<br />
Alcohol per acre as against $35 from an<br />
acre of Indian corn.” 24<br />
39
40<br />
The director of the Luther Burbank Publishing<br />
Company was a tireless enthusiast named Oscar<br />
Binner, who also had helped assemble and publicize<br />
a traveling exhibit of Burbank’s marvels,<br />
a large glass-sided display case in which some<br />
two hundred glass jars held pickled specimens<br />
of Burbank fruits and vegetables. A large paddle<br />
of spineless cactus, flanked by luscious spineless<br />
prickly pears, occupied the central shelf, directly<br />
under a bust of Burbank.<br />
The Luther Burbank traveling display was a<br />
huge attraction. In January 1911, the cabinet of<br />
botanical curiosities was featured at the Western<br />
Land Products Exposition in Omaha, where it<br />
warranted a large photograph in the Omaha Bee.<br />
In March, it was declared the premier feature of<br />
the Pacific Lands and Products Exposition in Los<br />
Angeles, where the Los Angeles Times reported<br />
on the entire show under the headline “Plant<br />
Freaks to Be Shown” and the subhead “Wizard<br />
Burbank Will Exhibit Some Queer Ones.” 25 By<br />
November, the exhibit had made its way to New<br />
York’s Madison Square Garden, where it attracted<br />
considerable interest at the Land and Irrigation<br />
Exposition despite such distractions as the Mormon<br />
Tabernacle Choir singing “Ode to Irrigation”<br />
under the sponsorship of the state of Utah.<br />
Even skeptics were enthralled when several specimens<br />
of spineless cactus were taken to the cows<br />
in the New York State display and enthusiastically<br />
consumed. 26<br />
Many were gawking, but who was buying? Jack<br />
London, for one. The writer, adventurer, and<br />
rancher lived close enough to Burbank to ride<br />
over to Santa Rosa for agricultural advice while<br />
he was trying to make his new Sonoma County<br />
enterprise a model of modern farm management,<br />
and he placed his orders directly with the cactus’s<br />
creator. On June 26, 1911, while traveling in<br />
Hawaii, London sent his sister Eliza (who served<br />
as his farm manager) an order for 130 cuttings<br />
of sixteen different varieties of spineless cactus<br />
<strong>California</strong> History • volume 87 number 4 2010<br />
to be purchased directly from Burbank in Santa<br />
Rosa. He also included detailed instructions on<br />
dynamiting holes for planting, separating forage<br />
cactus from ones that would be grown for their<br />
fruit, and asking Burbank himself about whether<br />
the drainage conditions of the site he had in mind<br />
made it suitable for growing the cactus. 27<br />
There is no record of London’s success, but the<br />
signs are not good. Among the many brochures,<br />
clippings, and scribbled notes the writer kept for<br />
his farm experiments is a set of four sheets of yellow<br />
foolscap paper, stapled together. The sheets<br />
are blank except for the word “cactus” penciled<br />
at the top in London’s handwriting. Four years<br />
after the first planting, Eliza wrote to her brother,<br />
“On the one sore patch just northerly from your<br />
dwelling, in fork of the roads, I have permitted<br />
Mr. Lawson to plant cactus. He is furnishing<br />
the plants and keeping ground in condition at<br />
no expense to us and is to give us 25% of cactus<br />
raised. I thought this a good chance for us to try<br />
out the cactus proposition without expense.” 28<br />
Unfortunately, the nearly empty ledger of London’s<br />
spineless cactus experiment seems to have<br />
been typical. As often happens with investment<br />
bubbles, the spineless cactus had its greatest<br />
value as something to be sold, not used, and<br />
records of anyone using it for cattle feed or fruit<br />
production in the United States are far scarcer<br />
than evidence of the multiple ways people hoped<br />
to profit by supplying those end users.<br />
From the beginning, there had been warnings<br />
that the spineless cactus was not an easy<br />
or instant panacea for the problems of desert<br />
ranches. For several years, David Griffiths, a<br />
cactus expert at the USDA’s Bureau of Plant<br />
Industry, had been mounting a campaign against<br />
Burbank and those who promoted him. In 1905,<br />
before the boom began, the bureau had issued<br />
Griffiths’ booklet, The Prickly Pear and Other<br />
Cacti as Food for Stock, which investigated singeing,<br />
steaming, chopping, disjointing, and other
means of preparing cacti as feed for cows, sheep,<br />
goats, and hogs. In 1907, Griffiths’ The Tuna as<br />
Food for Man, which explored the nutritive qualities<br />
of the prickly pear fruit, was prefaced by a<br />
distinctly grumpy acknowledgment that “interest<br />
in cacti in general, from both a food and a<br />
forage standpoint, has been greatly stimulated<br />
by popular writers during the past two or three<br />
years.” In 1909, Griffiths felt compelled to issue<br />
“The ‘Spineless’ Prickly Pears,” stressing “limitations<br />
. . . placed upon the growing of the plants as<br />
farm crops which ought to be of service to those<br />
who may be misled by ill-advised stories of the<br />
phenomenal adaptability of this class of prickly<br />
pears in the agriculture of our arid States.” 29<br />
By 1912, Griffiths had risen from assistant agrostologist<br />
to agriculturalist at the USDA, all the<br />
while continuing to criticize Luther Burbank. On<br />
February 29, 1912, Representative Everis Anson<br />
Hayes from Los Angeles rose to the defense of<br />
his state’s favorite agricultural hero. As reported<br />
in the Los Angeles Times, “Mr. Hayes delivered in<br />
the House a speech deploring that recently an<br />
employee of the Department of Agriculture had<br />
seen fit to assail Burbank and even ridicule his<br />
genius and the great work he has done and is<br />
still doing.” Noting that 95 percent of the plums<br />
shipped from <strong>California</strong> were Burbank varieties,<br />
as well as almost all the state’s potatoes, Hayes<br />
declared the spineless cactus Burbank’s greatest<br />
triumph and insisted that a photograph of<br />
Burbank’s cactus field be inserted in the Congressional<br />
Record, possibly the first such pictorial<br />
introduction. 30<br />
Many more spineless cactus photographs<br />
appeared the following July in the Pacific Dairy<br />
Review, which devoted its first four pages to the<br />
“immense possibilities” of fodder from the cactus<br />
before concluding, “Later we may take up some<br />
of the problems of cactus, or opuntia, culture, if<br />
in fact there shall be any problems in connection<br />
with it. From our present state of knowledge it<br />
looks so simple that it may not even leave room<br />
for the agricultural or dairy editor to do anything<br />
but say ‘plant opuntias.’” 31<br />
Like so many others, the editors of the Pacific<br />
Dairy Review were overly optimistic. The problems<br />
Griffiths cited were ones that Burbank<br />
had always acknowledged, though his various<br />
promoters tended to downplay any difficulties<br />
in their own accounts. A careful reader who<br />
could penetrate the thicket of adjectives in the<br />
New Opuntias catalog might have lingered on<br />
the conclusion of the following sentence when<br />
considering a purchase: “Systematic work for<br />
their improvement has shown how pliable and<br />
readily molded is this unique, hardy denizen of<br />
rocky, drought-cursed, wind-swept, sun-blistered<br />
districts and how readily it adapts itself to more<br />
fertile soils and how rapidly it improves under<br />
cultivation and improved conditions.” 32<br />
spinElEss sChEMEs<br />
As it happened, fertile soil, cultivation, and<br />
improved conditions were precisely what the<br />
desert lacked, along with water for irrigation<br />
and cheap labor to install the fencing needed to<br />
protect the defenseless plants from hungry rabbits<br />
and other predators. Growers in India or<br />
North Africa sent Burbank testimonial letters,<br />
but American ranchers were looking for a fast,<br />
easy solution to their feed problems. Growing<br />
spineless cactus took too long, required too much<br />
work, and needed more water than nature provided<br />
in truly arid areas with much less rainfall<br />
than Sonoma or Riverside. If ranchers in the<br />
<strong>California</strong> desert could provide such ideal conditions,<br />
they would be raising alfalfa, which was, in<br />
fact, a better feed.<br />
But if the cactus wasn’t flourishing as hoped,<br />
the enthusiasm of those who wanted to sell it<br />
remained as fresh and green as the grass the<br />
Opuntia was supposed to replace. And since this<br />
was <strong>California</strong>, it is no surprise that the spineless<br />
cactus boom inspired a side bubble in real estate.<br />
41
By the second decade of the twentieth century,<br />
corporate agriculture had already replaced the<br />
small family farm as an economic force in<br />
<strong>California</strong>. 33 The vision of moving to the Golden<br />
State and living off the products of the land<br />
of sunshine continued to lure many migrants<br />
from other regions, however, and they were the<br />
target of real estate vendors who embraced the<br />
spineless cactus as a way to sell barren land<br />
previously considered undesirable for cultivation.<br />
In 1912, for example, a former cattle ranch in<br />
the San Joaquin Valley was divided into twentyacre<br />
lots and renamed Oro Loma, the Spineless<br />
Cactus Land. The developers advertised that<br />
buyers could turn virgin desert into profitable<br />
farms by planting spineless cactus, whose<br />
paddles would be provided with every purchase.<br />
If the buyer didn’t initiate cactus cultivation right<br />
away, the sellers would still allow them to get into<br />
the market on the ground floor by providing, for<br />
the paltry additional price of $125, a quarter-acre<br />
plot that was fenced and planted with “100 cactus<br />
plants of several varieties.” “A small charge<br />
for superintendence” would bring management<br />
and sales of the resulting product “until the purchaser<br />
is ready to occupy his farm.” 34<br />
For some time, similar schemes had filled mailboxes<br />
and crowded the advertising pages of<br />
newspapers and popular magazines. Two typical<br />
advertisers from the pages of Sunset Magazine<br />
were the Terra Bella Development Company,<br />
which offered “fortunes in fruit,” and the Conservative<br />
Rubber Production Company, which<br />
projected “$1500 A Year for Life.” 35 The Oro<br />
Loma Company, however, offered the special<br />
reassurance that came with the name of Luther<br />
Burbank, whose photograph occupied the first<br />
page of its brochure; on page 2 was another<br />
photograph captioned “Young Spineless Cactus<br />
on Luther Burbank’s Experimental Grounds,”<br />
which appears to be a reproduction of a 1908<br />
postcard. 36<br />
42 <strong>California</strong> History • volume 87 number 4 2010<br />
Inside pages featured more photographs of cactus<br />
fields, as well as other crops that might be<br />
used to supplement income while waiting for<br />
the cactus profits to roll in. Describing what they<br />
called “the spineless cactus industry,” the Oro<br />
Loma sellers noted that “during the next five<br />
years the people that now have a spineless cactus<br />
nursery started, or that quickly establish one,<br />
on ORO LOMA LANDS, should realize a handsome<br />
independence out of the sale of leaves and<br />
cuttings” by selling them to other growers and<br />
ranchers who did not have the foresight to get<br />
into the market early. 37<br />
Lest the buyer be unwilling to do the math, the<br />
numbers were provided: “Each acre of the spineless<br />
cactus should supply, during the third and<br />
later years . . . at least 150,000 leaves per annum.<br />
The selling price of the leaves ranges from 20c<br />
to $2.50 each, at present. It is not likely they will<br />
sell below 20c. each for at least five years. . . .<br />
That means $30,000 per acre, per year. If sold at<br />
10 cents each, it means $15,000. Even at 5 cents<br />
each, it amounts to $7,500.” Finally, readers were<br />
encouraged to organize a colony of friends to buy<br />
Oro Loma lands where together they could “enjoy<br />
the comforts and luxuries that are common to<br />
the people who live in this region.” 38<br />
If twenty acres seemed too much, smaller parcels<br />
also were available for those eager to enter<br />
the surefire business of becoming a spineless<br />
cactus supplier. In the fall of 1913, the Magazine<br />
of Wall Street printed a comic response to an<br />
unnamed spineless cactus brochure, which the<br />
author claimed had inspired him to form his<br />
own company, Tailless Jackrabbit (Ltd.): “Today I<br />
have a letter in my mail enclosing a prospectus.<br />
This well-printed document sets forth that the<br />
next great killing in the financial world will be<br />
made by the Spineless Cactus, the one invented<br />
by Luther Burbank. The salesman who sends<br />
me this letter asks me to take an acre or two<br />
and interest a few of my personal friends at so<br />
much commission per friend. I shall not buy
The Spineless Cactus Nursery & Land Co. grew hundreds of acres of thornless cacti—including these of the Melrose variety—in<br />
southern <strong>California</strong>. In a 1913 interview, William L. Wilson, the company’s secretary and treasurer, known as the “King of the<br />
Spineless Cactus Growers,” predicted: “When the value of spineless cactus is fully realized and appreciated, Southern <strong>California</strong><br />
will have an industry that will loom larger than anything yet attempted in the land of sunshine and flowers.”<br />
Courtesy of the Library of Congress<br />
Spineless Cactus Incorporated, today; but when<br />
I get my Tailless Jackrabbit (Ltd.), listed on the<br />
Stock Exchange, I shall expect all my friends to<br />
bite. . . . Kind reader, may I not put you down for a<br />
few shares in Tailless Jackrabbit (Ltd.)? If the door<br />
is locked when you call, throw your money over<br />
the transom at the sign of the Rabbit’s Foot.” 39<br />
Eager to discourage pirates and profiteers and<br />
to escape from the cumbersome details of sales,<br />
Burbank tried again to acquire an “official” dealer<br />
for his spineless cactus. Not far from the Oro<br />
Loma Company offices in San Francisco, in the<br />
Exposition Building at the corner of Pine and<br />
Battery streets, a much larger entity called the<br />
Luther Burbank Company appeared in 1913 to<br />
make yet another attempt to handle the sale of<br />
spineless cactus for the harried inventor. The<br />
founders, who had no experience in the plant<br />
trade, paid Burbank $30,000 for the exclusive<br />
rights to market his creations and sold shares in<br />
the company worth well over $300,000. 40<br />
Interest in the spineless cactus was high in<br />
northern <strong>California</strong>, where Burbank was most<br />
famous for his work with orchard fruit, but it was<br />
even greater in Los Angeles, the gateway to the<br />
desert. The Luther Burbank Company opened<br />
a branch office in Los Angeles, managed by a<br />
recent arrival from Brooklyn named Bingham<br />
Thoburn Wilson, author of The Cat’s Paw, The<br />
Tale of the Phantom Yacht, The Village of Hide and<br />
Seek, and other novels whose very titles should<br />
have constituted fair warning.<br />
It appears that Wilson was a good salesman,<br />
however. In the fall of 1913, a group of Los Angeles<br />
investors, many of them recent arrivals from<br />
Canada, formed the El Campo Investment &<br />
Land Co. with one hundred thousand plants purchased<br />
from the Luther Burbank Company. The<br />
company already had bought land in Arlington,<br />
south of Riverside, where it planned to cultivate<br />
cactus as a prelude to entering the hog and cattle<br />
business. Wilson landed another big order from<br />
Texas and proudly announced a request from<br />
Don Dante Cusi of Mexico City for enough cactus<br />
cuttings to plant one thousand acres.<br />
Like the El Campo company, Cusi envisioned<br />
the cultivation of the spineless cactus as part<br />
of a larger agricultural empire. In 1903, he had<br />
acquired over two hundred and forty square<br />
miles of property in the dry, hot area of Michoacán<br />
and eagerly adopted the latest farming products<br />
and technologies. In later years, he would<br />
import a German railroad, an English steam<br />
43
During the years of the spineless cactus craze, investors formed the<br />
Luther Burbank Company to manage sales of Burbank products. As<br />
the corporation proclaimed in its 1913 catalog, Luther Burbank’s<br />
Spineless Cactus, “The Luther Burbank Company is the sole distributor<br />
of the Burbank Horticultural Productions, and from no<br />
other source can one be positively assured of obtaining genuine<br />
Luther Burbank Productions.”<br />
Huntington Library, San Marino, <strong>California</strong><br />
44 <strong>California</strong> History • volume 87 number 4 2010<br />
engine, and enough irrigation equipment to turn<br />
his land into an improbable center for rice growing,<br />
but as the Los Angeles Times correctly noted<br />
in 1913, his spineless cactus order “would take<br />
more than the entire Burbank plantation could<br />
supply at one time.” 41<br />
Overexpansion and difficulties in product delivery<br />
are classic problems of any new business, but<br />
these perils did not seem to bother the managers<br />
of the Luther Burbank Company. For the next<br />
two years, they continued to spend a fortune on<br />
advertising and told their salesmen to accept<br />
every order that came their way. When they didn’t<br />
have enough stock to fill the orders, they bought<br />
ordinary Opuntia, singed off the spines with<br />
blowtorches or rubbed them off with pads, and<br />
sent out the doctored slabs for planting.<br />
Buyers discovered the fraud once the cactus had<br />
been planted, of course, but by then it was too<br />
late. The Luther Burbank Company collapsed<br />
into bankruptcy on February 8, 1916, wiping<br />
out many Santa Rosa investors who had bought<br />
what seemed a sure road to wealth: a share<br />
in marketing their famous neighbor’s plants.<br />
Although Burbank had little or nothing to do<br />
with the company’s sales tactics or its fraudulent<br />
deliveries and was himself suing the managers<br />
for nonpayment of almost ten thousand dollars<br />
due on his original contract, the failure of the<br />
Luther Burbank Company halted sales and tarnished<br />
Burbank’s name, at least among scientific<br />
researchers who recoiled at the entire attempt to<br />
commercialize his product.<br />
Burbank’s critics might have taken comfort in<br />
comparing his profits, such as they were, to the<br />
enormous cost of nurturing his cactus experiments<br />
for several decades. Records are scarce,<br />
but it seems that none of the many companies<br />
formed to exploit Luther Burbank’s name or sell<br />
his creations ever did more than cover expenses<br />
and few managed to get that far. But commercial<br />
failure did not mean an end to general interest.
urbanKian inFluEnCE<br />
The spineless cactus lived on after the marketing<br />
bubble burst, and not only in the scattered<br />
gardens and farm plots of early growers. Burbank<br />
remained a popular hero, and high school<br />
biology textbooks throughout the 1920s featured<br />
him and cited his spineless cactus as an example<br />
of the careful application of Mendelian and<br />
Darwinian principles to the improvement of<br />
agricultural products. 42 Children posed in various<br />
“Burbankian” costumes at events organized to<br />
celebrate the great plant breeder, who was now<br />
revered as much as a spiritual model as he was<br />
as a commercial inventor.<br />
As such celebrations show, many people still<br />
wanted to learn about Burbank’s life and creations.<br />
In December 1907, when he had spoken<br />
about his new spineless cactus to the Southern<br />
<strong>California</strong> Teachers’ Association, Burbank had<br />
met its president, Henry Augustus Adrian, who<br />
also was Santa Barbara’s superintendent of<br />
schools. Not long after, Adrian left that post to<br />
become a regular performer on the Chautauqua<br />
circuit, making a successful career of explaining<br />
Burbank’s creations to eager crowds who came to<br />
the traveling lecture halls for uplift and education.<br />
Known as the “Luther Burbank Man,” Adrian<br />
toured the country for the next sixteen years<br />
before returning to Santa Barbara in 1925, where<br />
he was promptly elected mayor.<br />
While Adrian was drawing throngs to the big<br />
brown tents that were a Chautauqua trademark,<br />
Burbank remained in Santa Rosa, where he<br />
continued to attract his own horde of visitors<br />
until his death in 1926. His hundreds of<br />
guests included Helen Keller, Thomas Edison,<br />
Henry Ford, the football hero Red Grange,<br />
and the Polish statesman and musician Ignace<br />
Paderewski. In the 1920s, Burbank hosted<br />
Swami Paramahansa Yogananda, who toured the<br />
United States and made several visits to the San<br />
Francisco area before settling in Los Angeles and<br />
To protect against the fraudulent use of Burbank’s name, the Luther<br />
Burbank Company trademarked its corporate identity. Proof of<br />
authenticity also was available to those who bought from the company’s<br />
local representatives, who, as depicted on the back cover of the<br />
1914 Burbank Seed Book, received an official certificate of appointment,<br />
as well as an official Burbank dealer seed case.<br />
<strong>California</strong> <strong>Historical</strong> <strong>Society</strong><br />
45
46<br />
<strong>California</strong> History • volume 87 number 4 2010<br />
In the years following World War I, the public embraced<br />
Burbank as both an embodiment of the values of the natural<br />
world and an innovative businessman. (Below) Luther<br />
posed with his wife, Elizabeth, and schoolchildren dressed<br />
as flowers in Santa Rosa, circa 1920. With a great interest<br />
in education, he urged parents and educators to nurture<br />
children as richly and carefully as precious plants. (Left)<br />
Henry Augustus Adrian, the “Luther Burbank Man,”<br />
toured the country, lecturing on Burbank’s life and work<br />
and his spineless cactus as a speaker on the Chautauqua<br />
lecture circuit—one of many well-known performers and<br />
lecturers from the worlds of entertainment, politics, religion,<br />
and culture.<br />
Henry Augustus Adrian, Records of the Redpath Chautauqua<br />
Collection, The University of iowa Libraries, iowa City, iowa;<br />
The Burbanks with children, courtesy of the Luther Burbank<br />
Home & Gardens, Santa Rosa, <strong>California</strong>, lutherburbank.org.
uying the former Mount Washington Hotel,<br />
which became the headquarters of his Self-<br />
Realization Fellowship.<br />
Yogananda’s visit left a lasting impression on<br />
the young swami. Twenty years later, in 1946, he<br />
dedicated his Autobiography of a Yogi “to Luther<br />
Burbank—An American Saint.” In the chapter<br />
“A Saint Amid the Roses,” he described his first<br />
visit to Santa Rosa. It began with a lesson from<br />
Burbank: “The secret of improved plant breeding,<br />
apart from scientific knowledge, is love.” Stopping<br />
near a bed of spineless cactus, Burbank had<br />
described to Yogananda his method of talking to<br />
the cacti and how it was instrumental in successful<br />
hybridization: “‘You have nothing to fear,’ I<br />
would tell them. ‘You don't need your defensive<br />
thorns. I will protect you.’” Gradually “the useful<br />
plant of the desert emerged in a thornless<br />
variety.” To Yogananda’s request for a few cactus<br />
leaves to plant in his own garden, Burbank<br />
had insisted, “‘I myself will pluck them for the<br />
swami.’ He handed me three leaves, which later<br />
I planted, rejoicing as they grew to huge estate,”<br />
the yogi wrote. 43 The original cactus, or a very<br />
early offspring, can still be seen at the Mount<br />
Washington site today.<br />
Spineless cactus will never be the answer to<br />
world hunger, but it was not an absurd idea. Free<br />
of overpromotion, the Burbank varieties are still a<br />
respected, if modest, agricultural introduction. In<br />
recent years, commercial ranchers and academic<br />
researchers have demonstrated renewed interest<br />
in prickly pear cultivation in Argentina, Chile,<br />
South Africa, southern Texas, and Tunisia, with<br />
a strong preference for the spineless varieties. 44<br />
The Food and Agriculture Organization, a branch<br />
of the United Nations, calls spineless cactus “an<br />
important crop for the subsistence agriculture of<br />
the semi-arid and arid-regions,” serving as feed<br />
for livestock and also controlling desertification<br />
and restoring depleted natural rangelands. Commercial<br />
plantations of spineless cactus for nopalitos,<br />
which have been cultivated for centuries in<br />
Mexico, are moving north across the border,<br />
along with the burgeoning interest in Mexican<br />
cooking. 45<br />
None of these modern efforts matches the enthusiasm<br />
for grand agricultural experiments that<br />
made Luther Burbank such an idol a century ago.<br />
In 1916, the same year the Luther Burbank Company<br />
failed, Congress passed the Stock Raising<br />
Homestead Act, increasing the land homesteaders<br />
could claim in the arid parts of western states<br />
from 160 to 640 acres on the grounds that it was<br />
impossible for livestock to survive on less land,<br />
given the sparseness of fodder. The Southern<br />
Pacific Land Company had already abandoned<br />
its efforts to turn its desert holdings into spineless<br />
cactus farms and returned its attention to<br />
fostering orchard crops in more fertile areas. And<br />
in 1922, the Santa Fe Railroad concluded that<br />
eucalyptus timber was unsuitable for railroad<br />
ties and converted its tree farm into a pricey real<br />
estate development, Rancho Santa Fe. But that’s<br />
another story.<br />
Jane S. Smith is the author of The Garden of Invention:<br />
Luther Burbank and the Business of Breeding Plants (Penguin<br />
Press, 2009), from which portions of this essay are adapted.<br />
Her history of the first polio vaccine, Patenting the Sun: Polio<br />
and the Salk Vaccine, received the Los Angeles Times Book<br />
Prize for Science and Technology. A member of the History<br />
Department at Northwestern University, she writes about the<br />
intersection of science, business, and popular taste.<br />
47
A Life RemembeRed:<br />
The Voice and Passions of Feminist Writer<br />
and Community Activist Flora Kimball<br />
F lora Kimball was an active and<br />
prominent voice in <strong>California</strong> during<br />
the state’s early history. In clear, strong<br />
language, she articulated the growing views<br />
held by both women and men in rural white<br />
America in support of women’s suffrage and<br />
increased independence for women outside of<br />
the traditional confines of the family. Kimball<br />
carried the banner raised by her contemporaries,<br />
including the political writers and activists<br />
Lucretia Mott, Susan B. Anthony, and Elizabeth<br />
Cady Stanton. 2 A look into her life and writings<br />
offers us a wonderful glimpse into the mind-set<br />
of a progressive agrarian woman in nineteenthcentury<br />
<strong>California</strong>.<br />
Flora Kimball was a writer, a community activist,<br />
and a lay horticulturalist. Through her writing,<br />
she articulated her views on the changing social<br />
and economic dynamics for women and the<br />
need for a more equitable society. Through her<br />
civic commitments, she activated those beliefs.<br />
48 <strong>California</strong> History • volume 87 number 4 2010<br />
By Matthew Nye<br />
I wished–oh! so ardently–that a moral earthquake would startle the women in this country<br />
who are in a death-like sleep, oblivious to the laws that oppress them.<br />
Shocks are not harmful, but on the contrary may have the effect of showing us<br />
more clearly the “wrongs we know of” in our very midst.<br />
—Flora Kimball, <strong>California</strong> Patron, 1879 1<br />
She offered her opinions freely, but she was not<br />
a maverick, nor was she always unique in her<br />
vision. Many politically astute women of the time<br />
asked both men and women to rethink their positions<br />
and responsibilities in the evolving society<br />
of the 1800s, among them Carrie A. Colby,<br />
Maria B. Landers, and L. M. Daugherty.<br />
Though her writing and activism were not on<br />
the same scale as the era’s nationally recognized<br />
women in their notoriety or scope, Kimball did<br />
help spread the gospel of <strong>California</strong>’s growing<br />
woman’s suffrage movement. And though she<br />
neglected to address the greater range of issues<br />
that Susan B. Anthony, Sojourner Truth, and<br />
others (including twentieth- and twenty-firstcentury<br />
contemporary activists) would consider<br />
inclusionary in the capacity of the suffrage movement—such<br />
as race and class 3 —she addressed<br />
the pressing concerns of rural women: their<br />
changing role within the family, work outside of<br />
the home, and the right to vote.
The pioneering spirit of Flora Kimball (1829–1898) is exemplified in her civic involvement to bring cultural<br />
and political change to the new state of <strong>California</strong>. Her reputation as a preeminent feminist was earned as a<br />
writer for the <strong>California</strong> Patron. At the time of her death, it was said she was the most well-known woman<br />
in the state. While consistently expressing her political views in her writing, the National City Record aptly<br />
noted that she was also “among the best writers on the Pacific Coast.”<br />
Morgan Local History Room, national City Public Library<br />
49
In her life and writing, Kimball exhibited contrary<br />
aspects of feminist thought, simultaneously<br />
championing the importance of women<br />
in the home and the need for self-sufficiency<br />
outside the home. Through her own example,<br />
she encouraged women to achieve mastery<br />
over their own lives. A product of, as well as an<br />
influence on, the changing society for women in<br />
nineteenth-century <strong>California</strong>, she brought the<br />
philosophies of New England liberalism—the<br />
antislavery, suffragist politics of the Northeast—<br />
to the West. In a style that was often dogmatic<br />
and occasionally sentimental, she wrote with<br />
passion and persistence on issues that helped<br />
to spread these views and propel <strong>California</strong> into<br />
the twentieth century. Kimball’s name and voice<br />
has gone unheard for many years, and while her<br />
work may not necessarily garner a place of academic<br />
merit or even recollection, its focus on the<br />
role of nineteenth-century women and its fervor<br />
and determination do warrant historical attention<br />
and review.<br />
ThE JournEy WEsT<br />
Flora Mary Morrill was born in Warner, New<br />
Hampshire, on July 24, 1829, one of ten children<br />
of John and Hannah Hall Morrill. Her maternal<br />
grandfather was the Revolutionary War surgeon<br />
Dr. John Hall. Her paternal grandparents, Zebulon<br />
and Mary Morrill, espoused the theological,<br />
intellectual, and social reform tenets of Congregationalism.<br />
4 Her older sister Hannah Frances<br />
Foster (Brown), the well-known Spiritualist,<br />
was, like Flora, an avid abolitionist and women’s<br />
suffragist. 5<br />
Embarking on a career at the young age of<br />
fifteen, Flora was a teacher in her hometown.<br />
She worked for ten years in the schools of New<br />
Hampshire, eventually becoming the head of<br />
Concord High School. She would draw upon<br />
this example of the independent woman working<br />
outside the home in her later writings. Her<br />
50 <strong>California</strong> History • volume 87 number 4 2010<br />
campaign for the independence of women within<br />
the family and her advocacy for their equal<br />
rights in society began during these early years.<br />
She reportedly attributed her awareness of the<br />
inequality of women to her experience as a ten-<br />
year-old working alongside a neighbor boy to<br />
drop corn; she received five cents for her day’s<br />
work to the boy’s ten. She experienced this same<br />
ratio as a beginning teacher, earning one dollar a<br />
week to the two-dollar weekly salary for men. 6<br />
In 1855, Warren C. Kimball, from the neighboring<br />
town of Contoocook, recruited the young<br />
Miss Flora Morrill to come and teach in the town<br />
school. Warren had grown up in Contoocook on<br />
his family farm with his four brothers, Frank,<br />
George, Levi, and Charles, and his two sisters,<br />
Mary and Lucy. On December 13, 1857, two years<br />
after Flora’s arrival in Contoocook, she and Warren<br />
married. On that same day, Warren’s brother,<br />
Levi, married Flora’s younger sister, Louisa.<br />
In 1861, Warren and his younger brother Frank<br />
arrived in <strong>California</strong>, having traveled by way of<br />
Panama. 7 Joining Levi in San Francisco, the three<br />
siblings set up shop as contractors. The Kimball<br />
brothers were successful in constructing homes<br />
and commercial buildings in the city. 8 In 1862,<br />
Frank felt established enough to send for his<br />
wife, Sarah Currier. But his mother refused to<br />
give Sarah her consent to undertake the dangerous<br />
journey until Flora agreed to accompany her<br />
sister-in-law on the voyage. Frank noted in his<br />
diary: “Sarah writes that she is only waiting for<br />
Flora to decide when she will be ready. Hope it<br />
will be by the 21 st . Bless her.” 9<br />
On December 18, 1862, Flora arrived in <strong>California</strong>,<br />
a land already rich in history, though one<br />
wrought with stories of conquest and struggle.<br />
The native peoples had been displaced by Spaniards<br />
in their conquest for souls and dominion,<br />
and the Californios had lost out to the Anglo-<br />
Americans in claims over water, land title, and<br />
prosperity. It was a land where everyone seemed<br />
to be fighting for a place of his own. 10 To this
dynamic Flora Kimball brought her own agenda:<br />
the fight toward victory for women of her class<br />
and race.<br />
The Kimball families had landed in San Francisco<br />
during the city’s vibrant, formative years. In this<br />
new metropolis, Flora noted, “first you will meet<br />
but a few old people, for this is a new country and<br />
a great way from the old states, and but few old<br />
people break early ties and wander so far. The few<br />
whose hair is gray and step feeble, feel like the<br />
first of a race whose early associates have wearied<br />
of life’s toils and laid down to rest. So all is a<br />
bustle—the stir of more than a hundred thousand<br />
souls, in the beginning and prime of life.” 11<br />
Kimball found the San Francisco of the 1860s a<br />
contradiction of wealth and poverty. Her observations<br />
in some of her early writing reflect her<br />
humanity. She wrote about the downtrodden,<br />
such as the homeless “Ragged Frenchman . . .<br />
his eye fixed on the ground, ready to spy out any<br />
pile of dirt, and eager to seize on any mouldy<br />
[sic] crust that might be found therein . . . and<br />
his locks long and shaggy, straying over his face<br />
and shoulders, combed only by the wind, and<br />
powdered with sand . . . did I not see in that once<br />
fine form, and through the dirty face, traces of<br />
beauty and intellect?” With poetic observance,<br />
she described two young men walking down the<br />
street “. . . each with a cigar in his mouth, the latest<br />
Paris cut clothes and his kid gloves. One of<br />
them took his cigar between the ends of the first<br />
two fingers of his right hand, gradually expelling<br />
the smoke from his mouth.” 12<br />
Kimball was first published during these years in<br />
San Francisco, when she and Warren rented, for<br />
ten dollars a month, the back parlor of Frank and<br />
Sarah’s place at 16 Tehama Street, just south of<br />
Market and only five blocks from the bay. 13 She<br />
wrote letters to young readers in the East about<br />
the adolescent city for the publication Rising<br />
Tide, which published her accounts in columns<br />
with such titles as “<strong>California</strong> Sketches,” “Letters<br />
from <strong>California</strong>,” “Little Neighbor,” “Shells and<br />
Sea-weed,” “To the Children,” “From Aunt Prudence,”<br />
and “Our <strong>California</strong> Correspondent.” Her<br />
early journalism style was typical of the period in<br />
which she wrote: eloquent, yet in a manner often<br />
thick with extended descriptive sentences. As a<br />
correspondent, she chose subject matters that<br />
reflected her passions: plants and horticulture,<br />
education, and, most strongly, “the new woman”<br />
and her role in society and the home.<br />
In one of her “<strong>California</strong> Sketches,” Kimball<br />
offered a glimpse into one of the most important<br />
issues of the day, the Civil War. Her response<br />
to the Confederate defeat at Charleston, South<br />
Carolina, which she considered cause for celebration,<br />
reveals her view of the event in its broader<br />
implications for women. “God and men grant<br />
that the good old flag may again continue to float<br />
over Sumter until every intelligent citizen of our<br />
country, male and female, shall enjoy the rights<br />
of suffrage, then we may properly be called what<br />
we never were—a Republic,” she yearned in<br />
one of her early ventures into the body politic of<br />
women’s suffrage. 14<br />
The travesty of war was a theme in Kimball’s<br />
personal writing as well. In a private letter she<br />
sent back East, she wrote: “Peace ‘reigns within<br />
our borders’ and all we see of war, are the daily<br />
telegrams which bring us news of carnage and<br />
bloodshed. Those who have visited the Atlantic<br />
States the past year, return almost regretting<br />
the journey. Brave brother had fallen in battle,<br />
fathers and mothers prematurely gray, friends all<br />
mourning the loss of some household treasure,<br />
and our beautiful country one vast funeral and<br />
burying ground.” 15<br />
During her years in northern <strong>California</strong>, Kimball<br />
often touched upon the topic of children; she recognized<br />
the consequences of the environment in<br />
their formation and championed the advantages<br />
of solid morals. As witness to the devastating<br />
effects of mining on families in post–Gold Rush<br />
San Francisco, she observed: “The mania for<br />
51
52<br />
This photograph, made circa 1882, more than twelve years after Flora Kimball arrived at Rancho de la<br />
Nación, illustrates the sparse landscape of nineteenth-century southern <strong>California</strong>, the challenges the Kimballs<br />
faced in creating National City, and the isolated environment in which Flora lived and wrote.<br />
Morgan Local History Room, national City Public Library<br />
speculation in mining stocks . . . has possessed<br />
our people like an evil spirit the last year, reducing<br />
many from wealth to poverty.” On hand to<br />
celebrate the 1867 expansion of the San Francisco<br />
Industrial School, she witnessed personally<br />
the cost to the city’s youth. The school, located<br />
six miles outside the city, trained boys and girls<br />
from the ages of four to eighteen; the older children<br />
had committed crimes while many of the<br />
younger ones had been “deserted by their parents.”<br />
Kimball believed that part of the problem<br />
for youths was derived from city life: “Cities do<br />
not possess . . . remedies for the moral delinquencies<br />
of youth. Give a mischievous city lad a dozen<br />
fine fruit trees, all his very own; his to cultivate<br />
and enjoy the fruit thereof; and his early reformation<br />
may be predicted.” 16<br />
<strong>California</strong> History • volume 87 number 4 2010<br />
a nEW sTarT<br />
Life changed dramatically for Flora when, in<br />
1868, in a state of ailing health, her brother-inlaw<br />
Frank decided he needed to leave the inclement<br />
weather of the Bay Area for a more moderate<br />
locale. Joined once again by Warren and Levi, the<br />
brothers purchased a former Mexican land grant,<br />
Rancho de la Nación (listed in the land patent as<br />
the National Ranch), 17 located in the most southern<br />
reaches of the state. 18 On December 5, 1868,<br />
Frank and Sarah left for San Diego, followed<br />
shortly after by Warren and Flora.<br />
In his January 19, 1869, diary entry, Frank<br />
noted simply, “Flora and Warren came in on the<br />
Orizaba.” 19 Flora would describe their arrival in<br />
southern <strong>California</strong> in more romantic terms:
“Ten years ago we passed through the ‘Silver<br />
Gate’ of San Diego Bay on the Orizaba to make<br />
another home in this genial clime. We were<br />
borne to the shore on the arms of gallant sailors,<br />
for the busy people were too much absorbed in<br />
buying and selling corner lots to indulge in the<br />
luxury of wharf building.” 20 Little more is known<br />
of Flora’s feelings on relocating to such an arid,<br />
open country. Though her thoughts on the subject<br />
are not documented, the home and lifestyle<br />
she and husband created indicate that it was a<br />
positive move.<br />
The industrious Kimball brothers wasted no time<br />
in developing their newly purchased land, naming<br />
and then surveying the town-site of National<br />
City. Frank and Warren built a wharf, constructed<br />
roads, and planted orchards—all to entice more<br />
settlers and, more importantly, the railroad to the<br />
region. Competition to bring a rail terminus to<br />
southern <strong>California</strong> was fierce. Fledgling farming<br />
communities like National City could use the<br />
railroad to expeditiously ship their produce out<br />
of the remote region of southern <strong>California</strong>. 21<br />
The construction of homes was also a priority<br />
for the brothers; they built twelve during<br />
the first year and an additional seventy-five the<br />
following year. 22<br />
The close and loving connection that Warren<br />
and Flora displayed throughout their marriage—<br />
though minus any offspring—was exemplified in<br />
their National City home, which was a regional<br />
showpiece. Their residence, named Olivewood,<br />
was built in the early 1870s on what would<br />
become 24th Street, between D and F avenues.<br />
With its grand panoramic views, Olivewood was<br />
a stately Italianate-modeled home decorated in<br />
Flora and Warren Kimball’s home, Olivewood, was a traditional Italianate design: balanced and symmetrical with<br />
overhanging eaves and cornices. It was built on a rise and faced west toward the bay, easily catching the ocean<br />
breezes. The Kimballs were known as gracious hosts and entertained visitors regularly.<br />
Morgan Local History Room, national City Public Library<br />
53
54<br />
traditional Victorian fashion. But its real treasure<br />
was the gardens built by Warren and Flora,<br />
described in an 1889 article in the National City<br />
Record as “a twenty-acre tract, the east half set<br />
in olives alone, and the west half in olives, various<br />
other fruits, lawns, flowers and hedges. In<br />
all there are two thousand trees; 1,300 olive; 300<br />
orange and the balance are lemon, lime, peach,<br />
pear, apple, apricot, pomegranate, guava, plum,<br />
fig, loquat, and grapes.” 23<br />
As one of the National Ranch’s first farms, it was<br />
difficult to determine what would grow in its soil.<br />
The Kimballs planted almost any type of tree they<br />
could obtain: eucalyptus, magnolia, camphor,<br />
pepper, Grevillea robusta, rubber, mulberry, Norfolk<br />
Island pine, ginkgo, crape myrtle, and 185<br />
rods of Monterey cypress hedge—an impressive<br />
number and variety of species given the absence<br />
of nearby nurseries. Many of their plantings<br />
were gifts from friends: a Japanese persimmon<br />
tree brought from Japan; an American persimmon<br />
from Kentucky; a Smyrna fig brought from<br />
Turkey; an olive tree from France; a magnolia<br />
from Natchez; a palm from Mexico; two orange<br />
trees from New Orleans; cosmos seeds from<br />
New Mexico. Particularly famous were more than<br />
seventy-five varieties of roses, including Homer,<br />
Captain Christy, Xavier, Anton Morton, Baroness<br />
Rothschild, Bon Silence, Cecil Brunner, Black<br />
Prince, and La France, which Flora planted. 24<br />
In the management of Olivewood and the tending<br />
of her gardens, Flora made concrete her ideas<br />
about the value and importance of home—recurring<br />
themes in her literary output. Confirming<br />
the emotional connection to her home, she<br />
wrote, “There is no word in our language so suggestive<br />
of the best in human nature, love purity,<br />
and happiness, as home. Our home should be<br />
the expression of our most lofty ideas, a combination<br />
of the poetical, artistic and refined.” 25 Flora<br />
and Warren’s beautiful home and gardens were<br />
evidence of the elite status the Kimballs held in<br />
their community.<br />
<strong>California</strong> History • volume 87 number 4 2010<br />
a liFE oF WorDs<br />
Following the Civil War, many women across<br />
the country were extremely frustrated and disenchanted<br />
with the failure of the Fourteenth<br />
and Fifteenth Amendments to include universal<br />
suffrage for all Americans. For women who<br />
participated in the suffrage movement, enfranchisement<br />
was a pivotal goal; it was crucial not<br />
only as a symbol of women’s equality but also<br />
as a means of improving social conditions for<br />
themselves and their families. 26 Thus, the formation<br />
in 1867 of the National Grange of the Order<br />
of Patrons of Husbandry, the first secret society<br />
to admit women to full and equal membership,<br />
played a significant and symbolic role in the<br />
lives of many women, allowing them to participate<br />
intellectually and socially in a community<br />
organization alongside men. “When the order of<br />
Patrons was established,” Kimball wrote in hindsight<br />
in 1878, “it seemed to us that the dawn of<br />
woman’s, as well as the farmer’s, prosperity had<br />
come. That those who originated the movement<br />
must have drank from the fountain of inspiration,<br />
that before another decade the moral, social<br />
and educational effects of the Grange would be<br />
felt and appreciated throughout the country.” 27<br />
The Grange was the culmination of a large number<br />
of agricultural organizations formed by men<br />
and women of the farming class who were seeking<br />
economic and social change. In 1873, the first<br />
annual convention of the state chapter, the State<br />
Grange of <strong>California</strong>, was held at San Jose, with<br />
104 local granges represented. In 1882, Grange<br />
master Daniel Flint identified the state branch<br />
as “one of the factors in voicing the wishes of<br />
the farmer, defending his rights, and making an<br />
aggressive warfare, instead of forever standing in<br />
the background and acting on the defense.” 28<br />
In his 1875 book, The Patrons of Husbandry on<br />
the Pacific Coast, Ezra S. Carr described the<br />
Grange’s objective, which so intently encompassed<br />
both men and women: “The barriers to
Scenes of farm life are depicted in this 1873 promotional poster for the Granger movement, “Gift for the Grangers.” Grange members<br />
surely would have recognized the guiding principles of faith, hope, charity, and fidelity and have agreed with the nearly hidden<br />
words “I Pay for All,” suggesting the central role farmers played in the life and well-being of the nation.<br />
Library of Congress<br />
55
56<br />
social intercourse that are thrown around society<br />
by despotic fashion, are ruthlessly thrown down<br />
with us, and we meet on a common footing, with<br />
a common object in view. . . . To make country<br />
homes and country society attractive, refined,<br />
and enjoyable; to balance exhaustive labors by<br />
instructive amusements and accomplishments, is<br />
part of our mission and our aim.” 29 The <strong>California</strong><br />
Patron—the state grange’s newspaper—also<br />
expressed a rationale for the inclusion of women.<br />
A woman stands, the publication opined, “as<br />
firm and self-reliant as the bravest and strongest<br />
brother in the band, and fearlessly helps to maintain<br />
everything that is good of the order; and by<br />
<strong>California</strong> History • volume 87 number 4 2010<br />
the way, anything that is good for the Grange is<br />
good for the whole country—aye, for the good of<br />
the nation and the whole world for that matter.” 30<br />
National City’s local, or subordinate, grange,<br />
National Ranch Grange No. 235, was formed in<br />
November 1874, with Frank Kimball serving as<br />
its first master. In 1879, Flora was elected master—the<br />
first woman in the country to hold the<br />
position. Working for the Grange was a natural<br />
fit for Flora; it was in line with her love of plants<br />
and agriculture; it reflected the pride she held for<br />
the life of the rural family; and it reinforced the<br />
support she touted for the role of women outside<br />
National Ranch Grange No. 235, located at 828 National Avenue (now National City Boulevard), was constructed in<br />
1875. The second floor of the building operated as the Grange meeting hall, while the first floor housed a furniture store in<br />
the front and a tin and plumbing shop in the rear. The hall also was used for many community events, and was the site of<br />
the public library for a short period.<br />
Morgan Local History Room, national City Public Library
of the home. Through her association with the<br />
Grange, she was able to meld her interests.<br />
Many states published Grange newspapers: the<br />
Dirigo Rural in Maine; the American Grange Bulletin<br />
of Ohio; the Grange Visitor of Michigan; and<br />
the Patron of Husbandry of Mississippi. <strong>California</strong>’s<br />
paper, the <strong>California</strong> Patron, was devoted to<br />
the interests of agriculture and the homes of its<br />
readers. It also covered political issues, though<br />
with the conviction that no party had a monopoly<br />
on its principles. Owned and managed entirely<br />
by the State Grange of <strong>California</strong>, and published<br />
in San Francisco, the <strong>California</strong> Patron first<br />
appeared on March 17, 1876, and continued as<br />
a monthly for almost two years, at which time<br />
it became a semimonthly. Suspended for four<br />
months in October 1879, it resumed in March<br />
1880 as a weekly. “The <strong>California</strong> Patron,” wrote<br />
the academic Solon J. Buck in 1913, “exerted a<br />
wholesome influence upon the social and intellectual<br />
conditions of the farmer as well as helped<br />
to stay the decline of the Grange.” 31<br />
In 1878, the <strong>California</strong> Patron carried a regular<br />
feature for women called the Matrons’ Department,<br />
under the editorship of Carrie A. Colby.<br />
Colby’s columns regularly revolved around<br />
domestic issues, temperance, voting rights, and<br />
education. 32 In July of that year, Kimball began to<br />
contribute articles, both fiction and nonfiction,<br />
focusing on similar issues. She saw the <strong>California</strong><br />
Patron as providing mental food for households<br />
scattered throughout the state, many of<br />
them far from their neighbors. In March 1880,<br />
she became editor of the Matrons’ Department,<br />
which was soon renamed Family Circle. It was<br />
here, in the pages of the <strong>California</strong> Patron, that<br />
Kimball honed her skills and critique as a feminist<br />
suffragist.<br />
While her contemporary Susan B. Anthony<br />
pursued women’s rights through governmental<br />
legislation, and Sojourner Truth linked women’s<br />
rights to Christian values, Flora Kimball made<br />
a cultural connection to women’s issues. With<br />
a frequent interest and focus on the home life,<br />
she wrote stories and editorials about simple discrepancies<br />
between the sexes within the family.<br />
These early columns occasionally revealed a hint<br />
of innocence: “I often wondered . . . why careworn<br />
mothers and little sisters should spend the long<br />
winter evenings knitting and darning for the boys<br />
while they were free to enjoy themselves as they<br />
chose. Boy’s fingers are as easily educated to knit<br />
and sew as girls. . . . When a boy learns to care<br />
for his own clothing will he appreciate the kind<br />
offices of those who have worked so faithfully for<br />
him, and his future wife will be blest with a husband<br />
who, if necessary, can relieve her of many<br />
little burdens.” 33<br />
As editor of Family Circle, Kimball included<br />
poems and a supplemental feature for young<br />
readers. But she always came back to her central<br />
theme: rural women and the roles to which they<br />
were often subjugated. “Much drudgery is borne<br />
by women for no other reason than because she<br />
is a woman,” she observed. She stressed that a<br />
woman ought to be a master of her work, not<br />
a slave, and believed that the work of reform<br />
should commence with women. Advocating that<br />
older children take some of the burden off their<br />
mother, she encouraged sons to learn chores<br />
around the house and fathers to assist with the<br />
laundry (if they did, she believed, many homes<br />
would soon have washing machines and wringers!).<br />
“When the wife and mother make it the<br />
object of her life to wear herself out for her family,<br />
it is carrying a good thing quite beyond the<br />
bounds of reason and common sense,” 34 she<br />
maintained.<br />
Young women also should prepare for an independent<br />
life outside of the home—a central<br />
theme in many of Kimball’s writings that was<br />
not just revolutionary but prophetic in its vision<br />
of what the next century would bring about for<br />
women. In “Trades for Girls,” Kimball elaborated<br />
on this provocative notion: “Every argument that<br />
57
58<br />
Flora Kimball was a frequent, and popular, contributor<br />
to the pages of the <strong>California</strong> Patron,<br />
the publication of the State Grange of <strong>California</strong>,<br />
writing on issues of relevance to women in the<br />
state’s rural and urban communities. As editor<br />
of the women’s section, renamed Family Circle<br />
in 1880, she combined her passion for women’s<br />
social and political rights with the feature’s focus<br />
on the tender relationships and camaraderie<br />
among women.<br />
Morgan Local History Room, national City<br />
Public Library<br />
can be adduced in favor of boys learning trades<br />
applies with equal favor to girls. I believe it<br />
even more important that young women should<br />
become self-supporting than young men, for the<br />
common reasons, that, homeless, helpless girls<br />
often marry for no higher motive than to be supported.<br />
Such loveless unions inevitably result in<br />
miserable lives, and death alone can bring relief.<br />
Divorce is sometimes resorted to, but the wife<br />
is still left incapable of earning a livelihood as<br />
before the marriage.” 35<br />
Although she lived the life of a rural farm wife,<br />
Kimball understood the burdens confronting<br />
her cosmopolitan sisters. She noted that women<br />
could not enjoy the public sphere unescorted by<br />
a man, or even by another woman. “As a woman,<br />
I defend the right of women to ‘life, liberty, and<br />
the pursuit of happiness,’ equally as men,” she<br />
asserted. Because women are American citizens<br />
subject to the same laws with men, and share<br />
alike the burden of taxation, she pointed out, “the<br />
laws should protect them without being obliged<br />
to summon a protector to protect them from their<br />
<strong>California</strong> History • volume 87 number 4 2010<br />
protectors.” Further, if a lady is treated with disrespect<br />
at a theater or elsewhere in public, she<br />
argued, those public officials whose salary is paid<br />
by her taxes should “promptly arrest such offenders,<br />
and in a short time a woman will be as safe<br />
in public as a man.” 36<br />
Kimball was cognizant of the effect of gender on<br />
women’s day-to-day existence. In one column,<br />
she addressed the story of a woman who was<br />
arrested in New York for donning men’s clothes<br />
in order to procure men’s wages and who subsequently<br />
received a six-month prison sentence: “I<br />
cannot help thinking that it is a wicked state of<br />
affairs that drives young women to the questionable<br />
expediency of donning male attire to gain an<br />
increase of wages, and then, on detection, being<br />
thrown into prison for six months! . . . I cannot<br />
see why it is not a crime more heinous than<br />
wearing male attire, withholding from woman<br />
the wages justly her due. An unjust discrimination<br />
against sex is a blot more foul in our social<br />
world than many offenses for which the victims<br />
are thrown in prison.” 37
a ChaMpion For ThE MovEMEnT<br />
The promotion of women’s suffrage in nineteenth-century<br />
America had many detractors.<br />
Betsy B., 38 writing for the San Francisco Argonaut<br />
in 1882, observed, “In point of fact, great women<br />
are uncomfortable creatures, and no one seeks<br />
to be where they abound. No man wants one of<br />
them on his hearthstone.” Kimball responded<br />
sharply: “Why not, pray? A great woman may<br />
possibly make a little man ‘uncomfortable,’ but<br />
how ‘two hearts that beat as one’ can render each<br />
other uncomfortable is a new riddle in social science.<br />
. . . Flippant, female scribblers pander to a<br />
silly prejudice when they depreciate their own sex<br />
by flings at feminine greatness.” 39<br />
Kimball also published a retort to an 1881 article<br />
in the North American by Charles W. Elliott titled<br />
“Woman’s Work and Woman’s Wages,” in which<br />
Elliott railed against the legitimacy of the role of<br />
women in the workforce: “To-day woman seems<br />
to be the least valuable of created beings. . . . No<br />
queen works, no chieftain’s wife works, no trader’s<br />
wife works, no lady works or wishes to work<br />
or expects to work.” 40 She called Elliott’s article<br />
a feeble attempt at sarcasm and described him<br />
as “a relic, no doubt, of that decaying, conservative<br />
class that flourished in the last century, who<br />
believe that women’s intellect, genius, strength<br />
and fortitude were given her for the sole purpose<br />
of ministering to the comfort of man.” 41<br />
Kimball also responded to an article by the editor<br />
of Scribner’s Monthly, F. G. Holland, who in<br />
“Women and Her Work” bewailed the degeneration<br />
of women of the present day and their<br />
desire for freedom and independence in seeking<br />
employment options other than those found in<br />
their own homes. To Holland’s objection that<br />
women “claim the right to mark out for themselves<br />
and achieve an independent career,” Kimball<br />
argued: “Thanks to the growing intelligence<br />
of the age, women of sense not only ‘claim the<br />
right,’ but thousands on thousands are exercising<br />
the right to make themselves so independent that<br />
they will not condescend to violate their womanly<br />
purity and marry simply for support, notwithstanding<br />
that the fossil pens of such teachers as<br />
Dr. Holland are forever telling them that ‘marriage<br />
is the great end of a woman’s life.’” 42<br />
Like her contemporary Elizabeth Cady Stanton,<br />
Kimball championed women’s issues other<br />
than the right to vote, including an eight-hour<br />
workday, equal pay for working women, divorce<br />
reform that would obliterate forever the notion<br />
that wives “belonged” to their husbands, and selfsupport.<br />
She repeatedly promoted the latter in<br />
her writings, asserting that self-sufficiency was<br />
one of the first things young people, especially<br />
girls, should learn: “There is no sadder sight than<br />
that of young women who have been trained to<br />
luxurious indolence, bereft of means, with no<br />
trade or practical education, adrift on the world,<br />
an easy prey to the evils that beset the way of the<br />
objectless.” 43<br />
Kimball also supported Stanton’s campaign<br />
against the enslavement of women to fashion. 44<br />
To the suffragists, nineteenth-century clothing<br />
reform was a serious concern, regarding both<br />
comfort and preoccupation. In “Feminine Folly,”<br />
Kimball lamented the time and intellect wasted<br />
by women on fashion. One can almost hear her<br />
anguish as she writes, “We do not, and no one<br />
should, ignore taste and beauty in dress; but we<br />
do remonstrate, with all the power of an outraged<br />
womanhood, against this soul-degrading practice<br />
of debasing the intellect of our sex, our precious<br />
time and the means that might make suffering<br />
humanity comfortable, to the senseless pursuit of<br />
every new style that cunning brain of French or<br />
American dress artist can invent.” 45<br />
To Kimball, subordinating refinement, health,<br />
and economy to the demands of fashion was a<br />
peril to women; their fixation on fashion’s frivolity<br />
only debased a brilliant intellect. “It is a blind<br />
obedience to the behests of fashion, more than<br />
anything else that confirms men in the belief of<br />
59
60<br />
women’s intellectual inferiority, and shuts her<br />
out from the avenues of labor to which by nature<br />
she is peculiarly adapted,” she wrote. Reiterating<br />
the need for women to design their lives for independence,<br />
she remarked, “The work of unfitting<br />
her for a life of honorable self-support begins<br />
in fancy.” 46<br />
Kimball’s contributions to the <strong>California</strong> Patron<br />
were not limited to editorials. She wrote poems<br />
as well as stories under the pen names Pearl<br />
Dogood, Pearl Victor, Aunt Prudence, and Betsy<br />
Snow. Written in the style of early Jane Austen<br />
stories, these fictionalized narratives depicted<br />
nineteenth-century families and lessons of<br />
morality learned within the confines of the<br />
home. 47 Some were satirical allegories in which<br />
the simple wife was guided by her husband. In<br />
Something Original: Advice to Young Wives, the<br />
young spouse Betsy Snow readily agrees with all<br />
the advice from her husband, Fred, including:<br />
“Never appear at the breakfast table with your<br />
hair undressed. . . . On the contrary when I have<br />
been awake all night with the baby, instead of<br />
catching a little sleep at early dawn, when the<br />
weary sufferer is quiet, I get out of bed and go at<br />
my frizzes.” 48<br />
In Betsy Snow Stays Home, a subservient Betsy<br />
questions Fred when he sells some of their land,<br />
naively believing that a wife had to agree to the<br />
transaction. When Fred reminds her that the<br />
law is different in <strong>California</strong> than in other states,<br />
Betsy is humbled and remembers her place. 49<br />
In Extravagant Wives, Betsy Snow sardonically<br />
writes, “Extravagant wives drive more husbands<br />
to bankruptcy than any mismanagement of business<br />
or hard times. A twenty-five dollar hat, every<br />
time the breeze of fashion changes, soon gets to<br />
the bottom of the longest purse.” She goes on to<br />
note various men who have recently squandered<br />
their business, attributing the loss to a bonnet<br />
the wife had recently purchased. 50<br />
<strong>California</strong> History • volume 87 number 4 2010<br />
In the sentimental “Two Thanksgivings,” Kimball<br />
chronicled the lives of a simple New England<br />
family who succumbed to the delusions of prosperity<br />
during the Gold Rush. In a rash move, the<br />
family migrates to the western frontier, leaving<br />
behind all that is true and dear to them. But the<br />
characters in Kimball’s story are “high-minded<br />
and noble-hearted” people, and in this new land<br />
they find not gold but redemption and thankfulness.<br />
Though often simple, Kimball’s stories<br />
need not necessarily be judged on their intrinsic<br />
literary merit but rather on the social, political,<br />
and cultural discourses they encouraged.<br />
Under the pen name F. M. Lebelle, in 1872<br />
Kimball wrote The Fairfields, considered by some<br />
local historians the first novel written by a San<br />
Diego–area author. The book was published by<br />
Kimball’s sister Louisa, who was working for the<br />
Lyceum Banner, a Chicago-based periodical with<br />
ties to the Spiritualist movement. Using a shortened<br />
form of her sister’s name that mirrors the<br />
genderless—and thereby perhaps more commercially<br />
acceptable—aspect of her own pen names,<br />
Flora dedicated the book “To Lou H. Kimball,<br />
the untiring friend of children.” Writing for the<br />
San Diego Union in 1964, Gene Ingles described<br />
the book as “. . . a novel for children full of moral<br />
teaching—a novel you might expect to have<br />
been written by someone in a town not too far<br />
removed from frontier days.” 51<br />
In her prose on nature, Kimball’s writing most<br />
reflects her New England heritage—as inspired<br />
by Ralph Waldo Emerson’s Nature (1836) and<br />
Henry David Thoreau’s Walden; or, Life in the<br />
Woods (1854)—particularly the growing focus<br />
on the environment and man’s relationship to<br />
nature. She embraced the era’s ecological philosophy,<br />
believing that life on a farm elevated<br />
mankind through the agency of Nature: “I pity<br />
the child who is cast upon the piles of brick and<br />
mortar of cities, whose feet never touched the<br />
soft, yielding grass, and whose heart has not beat<br />
with joy in the shadowy embrace of open armed
This young woman’s stylish silhouette—captured in the studio of Joshua Vansant Jr. in Eureka circa 1885–1908—<br />
was characteristic of women’s fashions during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Her air of discomfort<br />
may be attributed to her heavy corset—which applied twenty or more pounds of pressure on the abdomen—and the<br />
additional weight of her layered skirt. In her 1881 column in the <strong>California</strong> Patron, Kimball called women’s fashion<br />
of the era “Feminine Folly.”<br />
<strong>California</strong> <strong>Historical</strong> <strong>Society</strong><br />
61
trees; whose childish appetite has not been<br />
appeased with fruits, and whose sense of beauty<br />
has not been ministered to by the happy, laughing<br />
flowers.” 52 She occasionally made a connection<br />
between nature and religion: “Flowers are<br />
sermons that fit us for a life hereafter and make<br />
us better in the present. They inculcate the virtues<br />
that will save us from sin.” 53<br />
Kimball wrote throughout the 1880s. In 1889,<br />
R. H. Young launched The Great Southwest, a<br />
monthly publication devoted to agricultural and<br />
industrial pursuits in San Diego and National<br />
City. He brought in Kimball as the horticulture<br />
editor of the column Home and Family. Yet Kimball<br />
continued to advocate the need for women<br />
to lay claim to their natural given rights, always<br />
striking that seemingly contradictory balance<br />
between supporting a woman’s right for independence<br />
and championing her place in the home.<br />
About the economic opportunities for women,<br />
she observed: “All about us are struggling women<br />
with dependent families, and all about us are the<br />
golden opportunities adapted to the capacities of<br />
each. To bring them together is to make happy<br />
and comfortable homes where poverty now<br />
exists. Poverty is the birth-right of none.” 54<br />
a CiviC liFE<br />
In an 1889 article, Kimball acknowledged the<br />
change in women’s lives over the years: “One<br />
by one the ponderous doors that have for ages<br />
shut women out from participation in affairs as<br />
vital to their interest as to men’s—have swung<br />
back on their rusty hinges.” 55 And it was Kimball<br />
who had helped open many of those doors.<br />
Aside from her role as the nation’s first female<br />
master of a grange, she also was involved in the<br />
early development of the National City Public<br />
Library. 56 In 1883, Governor George Stoneman<br />
appointed her to the State Board of Agriculture,<br />
along with six other “ladies.” 57<br />
62 <strong>California</strong> History • volume 87 number 4 2010<br />
In 1889, the San Diego Chamber of Commerce<br />
invited its members’ wives to establish a “Ladies<br />
Day.” Kimball and seven other socially energetic<br />
women organized the Annex to the Chamber<br />
of Commerce, the first group of its kind in the<br />
country. As historian Irene Philips has noted: “In<br />
two months they had 700 [members] from all<br />
parts of the county to aid the men in the industrial,<br />
commercial and horticultural interest in<br />
the county in which men as well as women had<br />
interest.” With the backing of a new local paper,<br />
the Pacific Rural Press, Kimball was instrumental<br />
in providing the Annex with good publicity.<br />
She wrote, in part: “It is an old notion which is<br />
constantly melting away in the light of the 20th<br />
century that it is good for man to be alone in all<br />
public work in which the community, as a whole,<br />
is engaged. Our first aims are a market-house for<br />
farmer’s products, a library building, an Opera<br />
House and cheap water for San Diego.” 58<br />
The Pacific Rural Press observed that Kimball’s<br />
reputation and name were larger than National<br />
City itself when she was chosen to represent<br />
southern <strong>California</strong> on the board of managers<br />
for the upcoming 1893 World’s Fair in Chicago,<br />
declaring, “We can think of no one more competent<br />
and every way desirable for that honorable<br />
office than the lady mentioned. She would certainly<br />
do credit to our State.” 59<br />
The year 1889 was significant for Kimball. In<br />
June she was elected to the school board of the<br />
National School District, the first woman in the<br />
state to receive that honor. She would hold the<br />
post for eight years. Despite tough competition,<br />
Kimball had received strong support, especially<br />
from the National City Record, which had<br />
endorsed her as the most available and strongest<br />
candidate. Promoting her intelligence, independence,<br />
and hard work, the editors concluded that<br />
“she will be actuated by the dictates of her own<br />
conscience, and will always work for the best<br />
interest of National City.” 60
Like many nineteenth-century women, Kimball<br />
was involved in a number of social organizations<br />
and clubs, including the New England <strong>Society</strong> of<br />
San Diego County. 61 This association, formed by<br />
Frank Kimball and other community members,<br />
touted the objective of providing “social converse<br />
and intellectual amusement” to those of New<br />
England birth, though strangers were welcome at<br />
their free monthly socials on Saturday evenings<br />
“nearest the full of the moon.” 62<br />
Kimball also helped found the Home Improvement<br />
<strong>Society</strong> and was an officer of the Tuesday<br />
Club, as well as an organizer and honorary<br />
member of the Social Science Club, later the<br />
Friday Club. 63 In the early days of the Social Science<br />
Club, members took turns reading from<br />
such books as George Harrison’s Moral Evolution,<br />
Henry Drummond’s The Ascent of Man, and<br />
Benjamin Kidd’s Social Evolution. They wrote<br />
papers on the books, which they then read to<br />
one another. On October 21, 1897, the National<br />
City Record reported that Flora Kimball closed<br />
a meeting of the Social Science Club “with an<br />
eloquent appeal for Women’s Suffrage, which<br />
brought conviction with it.” The National City<br />
Record identified her as president of the Woman’s<br />
Suffrage Club, an associate of the San Diego<br />
Woman’s Club, and a member of the Women’s<br />
Parliament and the New Hampshire Antiquarian<br />
<strong>Society</strong>. 64<br />
In June 1895, the San Diego Woman’s Club<br />
arranged for Susan B. Anthony and Anna Shaw<br />
to come to town and speak. The event was a big<br />
success, as reported in the San Diego Union: “The<br />
ushers in the First Methodist church could not<br />
find seats enough last night to accommodate all<br />
who went there to hear Susan B. Anthony and<br />
Rev. Anna Shaw speak on woman suffrage. . . .<br />
Mrs. Flora M. acted as chairman of the meeting.”<br />
The following day, the Kimballs hosted a large<br />
reception at Olivewood. The house and grounds<br />
were attractively decorated for the occasion “with<br />
nothing left undone. . . . The guests of honor . . .<br />
Miss Susan B. Anthony and Rev. Anna Shaw and<br />
about 100 persons sat down to a most beautiful<br />
repast that had been spread upon tables on the<br />
lawn . . . Miss Estelle Thompson read an original<br />
poem entitled ‘Olivewood.’ Miss Anthony called<br />
for ‘Our Host, the Planter of Olivewood,’ and<br />
Mrs. Kimball responded in a speech which elicited<br />
much applause.” 65<br />
In 1890, Kimball undertook a unique civic project<br />
that added to her celebrity. Authorized by<br />
the City Council to procure trees and supervise<br />
their planting throughout National City, Kimball<br />
planted a large number of eucalyptus trees along<br />
the property line in various sections of the city.<br />
The trees were watered from a large hose that<br />
was connected to one of the horse-drawn street<br />
sprinklers. On March 10, 1892, the city purchased<br />
five hundred additional trees at a cost of<br />
six cents each. These were planted in the same<br />
manner. By May 1893, there were about five thousand<br />
shade trees along the city’s curb lines. Eventually<br />
reaching nearly eight thousand, the trees<br />
became a National City trademark. 66<br />
Kimball saw a “richer harvest of morality, beauty<br />
and religion” spring forward from the influence<br />
of man’s connection with nature: “I can easily<br />
forgive the idolatry of the ancients, who<br />
worshipped trees. They must have possessed<br />
aesthetic and refined nature.” The civic-minded<br />
Kimball had envisioned National City, “a desolate<br />
town, with cut-offs at every available place,” as a<br />
place where residents could benefit in nature’s<br />
rewards. “No nature is so depraved that it does<br />
not respond to the refining influences of trees,<br />
their flowers and fruits, and none so perfect<br />
that it may not be made pure and better by their<br />
blessed presence,” she claimed. 67 Sadly, over the<br />
next seventy years, the city gradually removed the<br />
majority of the trees Kimball had planted, replacing<br />
the gravel with hewn granite sidewalks.<br />
63
Susan B. Anthony (seated, center) and Anna Shaw (seated, left) met with <strong>California</strong>’s suffragist leaders at this June<br />
1895 luncheon party at the home of <strong>California</strong> State Suffrage Association president Nellie Holbrook Blinn (standing,<br />
third from left). Anthony and Shaw also were hosted that month in National City by the San Diego Woman’s Club<br />
and at a reception by Flora Kimball at Olivewood, for “200 guests who came by train and carriage.”<br />
<strong>California</strong> <strong>Historical</strong> <strong>Society</strong><br />
an iDEal CiTizEn in an iDEal hoME<br />
Late in her life, Flora, along with her husband,<br />
opened an eatery on their Olivewood property.<br />
The Lunch Parlor became a popular destination<br />
on the National City and Otay Railroad line,<br />
which ran down 24th Street with a stop in front<br />
of Olivewood. During a seventy-minute stopover,<br />
riders could partake of a home-cooked meal and<br />
a chance to rest in the shade of Olivewood’s<br />
trees. A Lunch Parlor promotional brochure<br />
announced, “On the return from Old Mexico, at<br />
1 o’clock p.m. lunch will be served to tourists at<br />
this ideal <strong>California</strong> home.” 68<br />
64 <strong>California</strong> History • volume 87 number 4 2010<br />
On July 2, 1898, following a six-month illness,<br />
Flora Kimball died of heart disease. Although not<br />
unexpected, the news of her death sent shockwaves<br />
throughout the city and surrounding localities.<br />
That she was endeared to many was evident<br />
in the announcement of her death in the San<br />
Diego Union: “The many friends of Mrs. Kimball,<br />
not only in the bay region, but in all parts of<br />
the United States, will be pained to hear of her<br />
[death]. During her residence of over a quarter<br />
of a century at National City she has been one of<br />
the most prominent and highly respected ladies<br />
in this part of the state, and has been foremost<br />
in charitable and educational works. . . . Mrs.
Kimball was perhaps the best known woman in<br />
this part of the state. Her exceptional genius as<br />
a writer, philanthropic interest in the affairs of<br />
her fellow creatures and liberal hospitality had<br />
endeared her to thousands of persons who will<br />
learn of her death with deep regret.” 69<br />
Today, though most of her writings are relegated<br />
to the backrooms of archives, Flora Kimball has<br />
left her mark. Her liberal writing and activism<br />
fostered a discourse for progressive politics;<br />
particularly women’s rights; self-sufficiency; the<br />
enduring significance of the home; the values<br />
and morals of youth; and the vital connection<br />
between man and nature. Wearing her passions<br />
on her sleeve, she sought to enhance the fabric of<br />
life in nineteenth-century <strong>California</strong>, particularly<br />
for women of her era and for future generations.<br />
Matthew Nye, MLIS, is the Collection Manager for the San<br />
Diego Women’s History Museum and Educational Center<br />
and a librarian for the San Diego Public Library. Formerly,<br />
he was a librarian for the National City Public Library and<br />
for the San Diego Museum of Photographic Art’s Edmund L.<br />
and Nancy K. Dubois Library. He has published articles in the<br />
Journal of San Diego History and the University of San Diego’s<br />
USD Magazine. He is co-author with historian Marilyn<br />
Carnes of Early National City (2008).<br />
Olivewood was a regular and popular stop on the National City and Otay Railroad, whose tracks ran up 24th Street. A sign to<br />
the right of the Olivewood estate’s entrance advertised the charming and inviting Lunch Parlor, where guests could buy lunch<br />
for 25 cents. Tourists also could bring their own basket lunch and enjoy the welcoming relaxation of Olivewood’s gardens.<br />
Morgan Local History Room, national City Public Library<br />
65
66<br />
n o t e s<br />
Cover caption sources: (front cover) Complimentary<br />
Banquet in Honor of Luther Burbank<br />
Given by the <strong>California</strong> State Board of Trade<br />
at the Palace Hotel, San Francisco: <strong>California</strong><br />
State Board of Trade Bulletin No. 14, Sept.<br />
14, 1905; (back cover) Luther Burbank with<br />
Wilbur Hall, The Harvest of the Years (Boston<br />
and New York: Houghton Mifflin Company,<br />
1927).<br />
James D. Houston, <strong>California</strong>n, By<br />
forrest G. roBinson, PP 6–25<br />
Caption sources: Carolyn Kellogg, “Jacket<br />
Copy: James D. Houston Dies at 75,” Los<br />
Angeles Times, Apr. 18, 2009; James D.<br />
Houston, Where the Light Takes Its Color from<br />
the Sea: A <strong>California</strong> Notebook (Berkeley:<br />
Heyday, 2008), www.heyday-books.com;<br />
James D. Houston, Snow Mountain Passage<br />
(New York: Knopf, 2001).<br />
1<br />
Interview with Morton Marcus, “Always<br />
on the Brink: Facing West from <strong>California</strong>,”<br />
The Bloomsbury Review (Nov./Dec. 2007);<br />
www.jamesdhouston.com/pdfs/Always-onthe%20Brink.pdf.<br />
2<br />
“A Writers Sense of Place,” in The True<br />
Subject: Writers on Life and Craft, ed. Kurt<br />
Brown (St. Paul, MN: Graywolf Press, 1993),<br />
92.<br />
3<br />
Ben R. Finney and James D. Houston,<br />
Surfing: A History of the Ancient Hawaiian<br />
Sport, rev. ed. (San Francisco: Pomegranate<br />
Artbooks, 1996), 78.<br />
4<br />
Houston, Between Battles (New York: Dial<br />
Press, 1968), 54, 78.<br />
5<br />
Ibid., 121, 124, 221.<br />
6<br />
Houston, Gig (New York: Dial Press,<br />
1969), 13.<br />
7<br />
Ibid., 20, 90.<br />
8<br />
Ibid, 77.<br />
9<br />
Houston, A Native Son of the Golden West<br />
(New York: Dial Press, 1971), Prologue.<br />
10<br />
Ibid., 146–47.<br />
11<br />
Ibid., 163.<br />
12<br />
Houston, The Adventures of Charlie Bates<br />
(Santa Barbara: Capra Press, 1973), 13, 44.<br />
13<br />
Houston, Continental Drift (New York:<br />
Knopf, 1978), 138.<br />
14<br />
Ibid., 10.<br />
15 Ibid., 166, 301.<br />
16<br />
Houston, Love Life (New York: Knopf,<br />
1985), 52, 57.<br />
17<br />
Ibid., 198, 260.<br />
<strong>California</strong> History • volume 87 number 4 2010<br />
18<br />
Houston, The Last Paradise (Norman: University<br />
of Oklahoma Press, 1998), 34.<br />
19<br />
Ibid., 25.<br />
20<br />
Ibid., 364.<br />
21<br />
Houston, “Where Does History Live?”<br />
Rethinking History 11 (2007): 57–58, 60.<br />
Also in Where the Light Takes Its Color from<br />
the Sea: A <strong>California</strong> Notebook (Berkeley, CA:<br />
Heyday, 2008), 189–201.<br />
22<br />
Houston, Snow Mountain Passage (New<br />
York: Knopf, 2001), 5.<br />
23<br />
Ibid., 3, 304.<br />
24<br />
Ibid., 35.<br />
25<br />
Ibid., 65, 217.<br />
26<br />
Houston, “Where Does History Live?”, 59.<br />
27 Houston, Snow Mountain Passage, 149.<br />
28<br />
Ibid., 215.<br />
29 I<br />
bid., 312–13.<br />
30<br />
Ibid., 316.<br />
31<br />
Houston, Bird of Another Heaven (New<br />
York: Knopf, 2007), 334.<br />
32<br />
Ibid., 309.<br />
33 Special thanks to Jeanne Wakatsuki Houston<br />
for her permission to read the manuscript<br />
of A Queen’s Journey, to be published<br />
by Heyday in 2011.<br />
siDeBar: farewell to Manzanar,<br />
PP 17–19<br />
1<br />
Morton Marcus, “Always on the Brink:<br />
Facing West from <strong>California</strong>,” The Bloomsbury<br />
Review (Nov./Dec. 2007), www.<br />
jamesdhouston.com/pdfs/Always-onthe%20Brink.pdf.<br />
2<br />
Ibid.<br />
lutHer BurBank’s sPineless CaCtus:<br />
Boom times in tHe <strong>California</strong> Desert,<br />
By Jane s. smitH, PP 26–47<br />
Portions of this essay are adapted from The<br />
Garden of Invention: Luther Burbank and the<br />
Business of Breeding Plants (New York: Penguin<br />
Press, 2009). The editors and author<br />
would like to thank horticultural historian<br />
Bob Hornback and Rebecca Baker and the<br />
staff of the Luther Burbank Home & Gardens,<br />
Santa Rosa, <strong>California</strong>, for assistance<br />
with research; Sue Hodson and Melanie<br />
Thorpe of the Huntington Library, San<br />
Marino, <strong>California</strong>, for help locating fugitive<br />
documents; and Adam Shapiro, for access to<br />
his collection of biology textbooks.<br />
Caption sources: Luther Burbank with Wilbur<br />
Hall, The Harvest of the Years (Boston<br />
and New York: Houghton Mifflin Company,<br />
1927); Luther Burbank’s Spineless Cactus (San<br />
Francisco: The Luther Burbank Company);<br />
David Starr Jordan, “Some Experiments of<br />
Luther Burbank,” Popular Science Monthly<br />
66 (January 1905); Proof Book Number 1<br />
(Santa Rosa, CA: The Luther Burbank<br />
<strong>Society</strong>, 1913); The Burbank Seed Book (San<br />
Francisco: The Luther Burbank Company,<br />
1914); “The Planting of the Largest Spineless<br />
Cactus Nursery in the World,” Out West,<br />
New Series 6, no. 3 (Sept. 1913).<br />
1<br />
See Roy Wiersma, Luther Burbank Spineless<br />
Cactus Identification Project (Bloomington,<br />
IN: AuthorHouse, 2008).<br />
2<br />
Luther Burbank, “Of Easy Culture<br />
and Rapid Growth,” New Agricultural-<br />
Horticultural Opuntias (Los Angeles:<br />
Kruckeberg Press, 1907), 5. See also: http://<br />
plantanswers.tamu.edu/publications/cactus/<br />
cactuscatalog/.<br />
3<br />
Burbank often sold complete control over<br />
his plant inventions, including naming<br />
rights, so it is impossible to trace his complete<br />
work. The best inventory is Walter L.<br />
Howard, Luther Burbank’s Plant Contributions,<br />
University of <strong>California</strong> College of<br />
Agriculture, Agricultural Experiment Station,<br />
Berkeley, CA, Bulletin 691, Mar. 1945.<br />
4<br />
Honorable George C. Pardee, Governor of<br />
<strong>California</strong>, Complimentary Banquet in Honor<br />
of Luther Burbank Given by the <strong>California</strong><br />
State Board of Trade at the Palace Hotel, San<br />
Francisco: <strong>California</strong> State Board of Trade<br />
Bulletin No. 14, Sept. 14, 1905, 15–16.<br />
5<br />
When Edison and Ford came to Santa<br />
Rosa in 1915, the well-publicized visit was<br />
regarded as a meeting of the masters of<br />
invention. It was the start of a long friendship<br />
and, for Ford, the inspiration for<br />
what would become a large collection of<br />
Burbankiana at The Henry Ford Museum<br />
and Greenfield Village, in Dearborn, MI.<br />
Among many other items, the collection<br />
includes the building where Burbank was<br />
born, transported from Massachusetts, and<br />
Burbank’s garden spade set in cement at the<br />
museum entry.
6 Liberty Hyde Bailey, “Stoneless Prunes, the<br />
Latest Wonder,” Sunset Magazine 7, nos. 2–3<br />
(June–July 1901): 81.<br />
7<br />
The medal, so inscribed, is in the collection<br />
of the Luther Burbank Home & Gardens,<br />
Santa Rosa, CA.<br />
8<br />
E. J. Wickson, “Luther Burbank: Man,<br />
Methods and Achievements, Part III,” Sunset<br />
Magazine 8, no. 6 (April 1902): 277.<br />
9<br />
David Starr Jordan and Vernon Lyman<br />
Kellogg, Scientific Aspects of Luther Burbank’s<br />
Work (San Francisco: Philopolis Press,<br />
1909).<br />
10<br />
“Wizard’s Wisdom,” Los Angeles Times,<br />
Sept. 6, 1907.<br />
11<br />
Ibid.<br />
12<br />
Minutes of the Board of Park Commissioners,<br />
July 25, 1905: Moved by Mr. Moran,<br />
seconded by Mr. White, that the Park Commissioners<br />
offer to Dr. David Griffiths of<br />
the Department of Agriculture the use of<br />
about five acres of land near the southeast<br />
corner of city park for a government forage<br />
experimental station for a length of time<br />
as may be required, not to exceed 15 years,<br />
Balboa Park History, 1905; http://www.<br />
sandiegohistory.org/amero/notes-1905.htm.<br />
13<br />
Burbank, “Voices of the Press and Public,”<br />
New Agricultural-Horticultural Opuntias,<br />
8.<br />
14<br />
Rutland also bought rights to an early<br />
variety of Burbank’s plumcot, a plumapricot<br />
hybrid that many breeders discredited<br />
because they thought the cross was<br />
impossible. The plumcot is the ancestor of<br />
the modern pluot, which has the distinction<br />
of being patented, a protection not available<br />
to Burbank. Over the next five years, official<br />
delegations from India, Tunisia, and Australia<br />
came to Santa Rosa to meet Burbank<br />
and examine his newest creation; in letters<br />
to his friend Samuel Leib, Burbank also<br />
reported that the governments of Brazil,<br />
Mexico, and Argentina had invited him to<br />
visit and advise them on starting spineless<br />
cactus plantations.<br />
15<br />
W. S. Harwood, New Creations in Plant<br />
Life: An Authoritative Account of the Life and<br />
Work of Luther Burbank (New York: Macmillan,<br />
1905).<br />
16<br />
George Wharton James, The Wonders of<br />
the Colorado Desert (Southern <strong>California</strong>),<br />
vol. 1 (Boston: Little, Brown, and Company,<br />
1906), 224. In a footnote, James noted<br />
that after meeting Burbank he realized the<br />
cactus would require fencing to survive<br />
predators that would no longer be repelled<br />
by spines.<br />
17<br />
Burbank, The Training of the Human<br />
Plant (New York: The Century Co., 1907).<br />
By 1908, the Mothers Clubs of <strong>California</strong><br />
had begun a successful effort to declare<br />
Burbank’s birthday, Mar. 7, Bird and Arbor<br />
Day in <strong>California</strong> and designate it as a time<br />
for schoolchildren to learn about Luther<br />
Burbank’s works.<br />
18<br />
“Greatest Opportunity of the Age,” [Spokane]<br />
Spokesman-Review, Apr. 26, 1908.<br />
19<br />
The Venice Vanguard, July 14, 1909.<br />
20<br />
According to Norton Parker Chipman,<br />
head of the <strong>California</strong> State Board of Trade,<br />
exports had risen from some 16,194 carloads<br />
of fruits and vegetables in 1890, each<br />
carload holding ten tons of produce, to over<br />
80,000 carloads in 1904; Pardee, Complimentary<br />
Banquet, 3.<br />
21<br />
See Richard J. Orsi, Sunset Limited: The<br />
Southern Pacific Railroad and the Development<br />
of the American West, 1850–1930 (Berkeley:<br />
University of <strong>California</strong> Press, 2005),<br />
289.<br />
22<br />
See Oscar Binner, Luther Burbank: How<br />
His Discoveries Are to Be Put into Practical<br />
Use (Chicago: Oscar E. Binner Co., 1911), 16.<br />
23<br />
By 1911, several books about Burbank<br />
and his work had already been published,<br />
including Jordan and Kellogg’s Scientific<br />
Aspects of Luther Burbank’s Work and multiple<br />
editions of Harwood’s New Creations in<br />
Plant Life. The Carnegie Institution of Washington,<br />
DC, still expected to publish a scholarly<br />
volume on Burbank’s methods, written<br />
by George Shull, and the directors were<br />
shocked to learn that Burbank had signed<br />
a contract with Dugall Cree, a Minneapolis<br />
publisher, for an illustrated 10-volume set<br />
about his work to be aimed at a popular<br />
audience and sold by subscription. At least<br />
two ghostwriters had already begun work on<br />
these books when Cree sold the contract to<br />
Oscar Binner, who moved his family from<br />
Chicago to Santa Rosa and hired a stable<br />
of researchers, photographers, and writers<br />
to complete what he felt would be a great<br />
contribution to world knowledge. Cobbled<br />
together from the work of five to ten ghostwriters,<br />
including some material that seems<br />
to have been left in Santa Rosa by Shull, the<br />
Binner project finally appeared in twelve<br />
volumes under the title Luther Burbank: His<br />
Methods and Discoveries and Their Practical<br />
Applications (New York and London: Luther<br />
Burbank Press, 1914). Shull never finished<br />
his book for the Carnegie Institution, but<br />
he kept his notes for decades, planning to<br />
return to the project some day.<br />
24<br />
Binner, Luther Burbank.<br />
25<br />
“Plant Freaks to Be Shown,” Los Angeles<br />
Times, Mar. 16, 1911.<br />
26<br />
George Willoughby, “The Gathering of<br />
the Clans,” National Magazine 35 (Oct.<br />
1911–Mar. 1912).<br />
27<br />
Jack London letters to Eliza Shepherd,<br />
Box 300, Jack London Collection, Manuscripts<br />
Department, Huntington Library,<br />
San Marino, CA (hereafter cited as London<br />
Collection).<br />
28<br />
Eliza London to Jack London, May 8, 1915,<br />
box 372 (30), London Collection.<br />
29<br />
David Griffiths, The Prickly Pear and<br />
Other Cacti as Food for Stock, U.S. Department<br />
of Agriculture, Bureau of Plant Industry,<br />
bulletin no. 74 (Washington, DC: GPO,<br />
1905); Griffiths, The Tuna as Food for Man,<br />
U.S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau<br />
of Plant Industry, bulletin no. 116 (Washington,<br />
DC: GPO, 1907), 3; Griffiths, The<br />
“Spineless” Prickly Pears, U.S. Department<br />
of Agriculture, Bureau of Plant Industry,<br />
bulletin no. 140 (Washington, DC: GPO,<br />
1909), 3.<br />
30<br />
“An Innovation in Washington: To Run<br />
Pictures in the Congressional Record,” Los<br />
Angeles Times, Mar. 1, 1912.<br />
31<br />
“Fodder from the Cactus,” Pacific Dairy<br />
Review 16, no. 26 (July 1912): 1.<br />
32<br />
Burbank, “Hardy Spineless Opuntia<br />
Ready for the Hybridizer,” New Agricultural-<br />
Horticultural Opuntias, 2. See also: http://<br />
plantanswers.tamu.edu/publications/cactus/<br />
cactuscatalog.<br />
33<br />
See Ronald Tobey and Charles Wetherell,<br />
“The Citrus Industry and the Revolution of<br />
Corporate Capitalism in Southern <strong>California</strong>,<br />
1887–1944,” <strong>California</strong> History 74, no. 1<br />
(Spring 1995), 6–21; and H. Vincent Moses,<br />
“‘The Orange-Grower Is Not a Farmer’: G.<br />
Harold Powell, Riverside Orchardists, and<br />
the Coming of Industrial Agriculture, 1893–<br />
1930,” <strong>California</strong> History 74, no. 1 (Spring<br />
1995), 22–37.<br />
34<br />
Heisner & Shanklin, Oro Loma: Spineless<br />
Cactus Lands (Oakland, CA: Horwinski Co.,<br />
ca. 1912), 17. All quotations from Heisner<br />
& Shanklin, Oro Loma, Huntington Library<br />
Rare Book Collection, San Marino, CA.<br />
67
68<br />
n o t e s<br />
35 Sunset Magazine 20, no. 3 (January 1908).<br />
36 Heisner & Shanklin, Oro Loma, 2.<br />
37 Ibid, 13.<br />
38 Ibid, 19.<br />
39 “The Sharpshooter,” Magazine of Wall<br />
Street 12 (May–Oct. 1913): 387.<br />
40<br />
See Peter Dreyer, A Gardener Touched with<br />
Genius (Berkeley: University of <strong>California</strong><br />
Press, 1985) for a fuller account of the many<br />
businesses that sought to capitalize on Burbank<br />
and his creations.<br />
41<br />
“Big Ranch in Cactus,” Los Angeles Times,<br />
Oct. 4, 1913.<br />
42<br />
See George W. Hunter, A Civic Biology<br />
(New York: American Book Company, 1914)<br />
and A New Civic Biology (1926); Benjamin<br />
Gruenberg, Elementary Biology (Boston:<br />
Ginn and Company, 1919) and Biology and<br />
Human Life (1925); Arthur G. Clement, Living<br />
Things: An Elementary Biology (Syracuse,<br />
NY: Iroquois Publishing Company, 1925);<br />
Alfred Kinsey, An Introduction to Biology<br />
(Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott Co, 1926);<br />
W. M. Smallwood, Ida L. Reveley, and Guy<br />
A. Bailey, New General Biology (Boston: Allyn<br />
and Bacon, 1929); Frank M. Wheat and Elizabeth<br />
T. Fitzpatrick, Advanced Biology (New<br />
York: American Book Company, 1929); S. J.<br />
Holmes, Life and Evolution (London: A. &.<br />
C. Black, 1931).<br />
43<br />
Paramahansa Yogananda, The Autobiography<br />
of a Yogi (New York: Philosophical<br />
Library, 1946), 396.<br />
44<br />
See Peter Felker, “Commercializing Mesquite,<br />
Leucaena, and Cactus in Texas,” in<br />
Progress in New Crops, ed. J. Janick (Alexandria,<br />
VA: ASHS Press, 1996): 133–37;<br />
http://www.hort.purdue.edu/newcrop/proceedings1996/v3-133.html.<br />
See also Salah<br />
Chouki, Spineless Cactus Plantation for<br />
Forage, http://www.fao.org/ag/AGP/AGPC/<br />
doc/PUBLICAT/cactusnt/cactus3.htm;<br />
Felker, Utilization of Opuntia for Forage in<br />
the United States of America, http://www.<br />
fao.org/docrep/005/y2808e/y2808eoa.htm;<br />
Gerhard C. De Kock, The Use of Opuntia<br />
as a Fodder Source in Arid Areas of Southern<br />
Africa, http://www.fao.org/docrep/005/<br />
y2808e/y2808eof.htm; Juan C. Guevara and<br />
Oscar R. Estevez, Opuntia Spp. [spineless]<br />
for Fodder and Forage Production in Argentina:<br />
Experiences and Prospects, http://www.<br />
fao.org/docrep/005/y2808e/y2808e0c.<br />
htm; Patricio Azócar, Opuntia as Feed for<br />
Ruminants in Chile, http://www.fao.org/<br />
docrep/005/y2808e/y2808e0b.htm.<br />
<strong>California</strong> History • volume 87 number 4 2010<br />
45 Felker, “Commercializing Mesquite, Leucaena,<br />
and Cactus in Texas.”<br />
a life rememBereD: tHe VoiCe anD<br />
Passions of feminist Writer anD<br />
Community aCtiVist flora kimBall,<br />
By mattHeW nye, PP 48–66<br />
Caption sources: “Mrs. Kimball Dead,”<br />
San Diego Union, July 3, 1898; Ida Husted<br />
Harper, The Life and Work of Susan B.<br />
Anthony, vol. 2 (Indianapolis and Kansas<br />
City: The Bowen-Merrill Company, 1898).<br />
1<br />
Flora Kimball, “Suffragette,” <strong>California</strong><br />
Patron, Apr. 5, 1879.<br />
2<br />
Lucretia Mott is a good example of those<br />
who influenced Flora Kimball’s writing; see<br />
Dana Greene, ed., Lucretia Mott: Her Complete<br />
Speeches and Sermons (New York: Edwin<br />
Mellen Press, 1980).<br />
3<br />
For a variety of reasons, during the late<br />
nineteenth century, many white suffragists<br />
turned their backs on African American<br />
women; see Rosalyn Terborg-Penn, “African<br />
American Women and the Woman Suffrage<br />
Movement,” in One Woman, One Vote,<br />
Rediscovering the Woman Suffrage Movement,<br />
ed. Marjorie Spruill Wheeler (Troutdale, OR:<br />
NewSage Press, 1995): 135.<br />
4<br />
From its beginnings in 1846, Congregationalism<br />
was the major support for the<br />
Association Missionary <strong>Society</strong>, an interdenominational<br />
missionary society devoted<br />
to abolitionist principles. The intellectual,<br />
political, and moral influence of Congregationalism<br />
could easily account for the activist<br />
nature of Flora and her sister Hannah<br />
T. Brown. See Bertram Wyatt-Brown, Lewis<br />
Tappan and the Evangelical War against Slavery<br />
(Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University<br />
Press, 1969); Robert C. Senior, “The New<br />
England Congregationalist and the Antislave<br />
Movement, 1830–1860,” PhD diss., Yale<br />
University, 1954; Clifford S. Griffin, “The<br />
Abolitionist and the Benevolent Societies,<br />
1831–1861,” in The History of the American<br />
Abolitionist Movement: A Bibliography of<br />
Scholarly Articles, ed. John. R. McKivigan<br />
(Indianapolis: Indiana University, 1999),<br />
101. While there is minimal religious reference<br />
in Flora’s writing, she did express her<br />
views on occasion: “Religious belief is a<br />
strong sentiment in human nature valued<br />
by its possessor above pride, but while we<br />
cling so tenaciously to our own, we are too<br />
apt to stand voluntary guardians over that<br />
of our neighbors” (<strong>California</strong> Patron, July 2,<br />
1881).<br />
5<br />
Flora’s sister Hannah (1817–1881) was<br />
married to John G. Brown. The couple<br />
moved to Cleveland, Ohio, where Hannah<br />
started the abolitionist paper The Agitator,<br />
which she edited and published herself. The<br />
paper covered issues of race and gender<br />
equality. She also wrote The False and True<br />
Marriage; the Reason and Results (Cleveland:<br />
Viets & Savage, 1861), a radical treatise<br />
critiquing the institution. She later helped<br />
found the United States Spiritual Association<br />
and served as its president. In 1870,<br />
she joined Flora in National City, where she<br />
bought land from Warren and Frank Kimball<br />
for $2,300. The property is now the site<br />
of Sweetwater High School. After an active<br />
life as a writer and lecturer in the Spiritualist<br />
movement in National City and San<br />
Diego, Hannah Brown died of consumption<br />
in 1881; San Diego Union, July 3, 1898.<br />
6<br />
Irene Phillips, “Flora Kimball Campaigned<br />
Here for Women’s Rights,” The Star News,<br />
Feb. 23, 1961; San Diego Union, July 3, 1898.<br />
7<br />
“First Kimball Reunion, Golden Gate Park,<br />
August 7, 1897,” collection of the <strong>California</strong><br />
<strong>Historical</strong> <strong>Society</strong>, San Francisco. Brothers<br />
Levi and Charles Kimball initially came out<br />
to <strong>California</strong> in 1860 by way of the Horn.<br />
Warren and Frank opted for the train service<br />
across the Isthmus of Panama, which<br />
began operating in February 1855, just six<br />
years prior to their journey. The 47-mile<br />
train ride, at a cost of $25, took four and a<br />
half hours. But the Transcontinental Railroad,<br />
completed in 1869, quickly became<br />
the favored means of travel to <strong>California</strong>.<br />
Ann Graham Gaines, The Panama Canal<br />
in American History (Berkeley Heights, NJ.:<br />
Enslow Publishers, Inc. 1999), 47.<br />
8<br />
The Kimball Brothers were responsible for<br />
construction of the Green Street Church at<br />
the corner of Stockton Street, the Tehama<br />
Street School in 1866, and most notably<br />
the city’s Alms-House in 1867. Bill Roddy,<br />
American Hurrah, http://americahurrah.<br />
com/SanFrancisco/MunicipalReports/Alms-<br />
House/History.htm.<br />
9<br />
Frank Kimball, Diary, Oct. 1, 1861,<br />
National City Public Library, Morgan Local<br />
History Room (hereafter cited as Kimball<br />
Diary). Many of Frank’s 52 diaries, spanning<br />
the years 1854 to 1912, were donated<br />
to the National City Public Library in 1958<br />
by Gordon Stanley Kimball, Flora’s greatgrandnephew.<br />
The brief entries describe<br />
historical events, modes of travel, business<br />
experience, and the hardships of daily life,<br />
including the progress of National City as
an agricultural and horticultural center,<br />
the development of water resources, and<br />
Kimball’s efforts to bring the railroad to<br />
National City. A Guide to the Kimball Family<br />
Collection, 1854–1934 has been processed<br />
by Marisa Abramo and Mary Allely. For<br />
more information on National City and the<br />
Kimball family, see Leslie Trook, National<br />
City: Kimball’s Dream (National City, CA:<br />
National City Chamber of Commerce, 1992)<br />
and William Smythe, History of San Diego,<br />
1542–1908 (San Diego: San Diego History<br />
Co., 1907).<br />
10<br />
David Wyatt writes about the subjugation<br />
of one people after another in <strong>California</strong>’s<br />
history. He sees the invasion of wild oat into<br />
<strong>California</strong> and its displacement of the native<br />
bunchgrass as a metaphor for the human<br />
story that the botanical process paralleled;<br />
David Wyatt, Five Fires: Race, Catastrophe,<br />
and the Shaping of <strong>California</strong> (Reading, MA:<br />
Addison-Wesley Publishing Co., Inc.: 1997),<br />
8.<br />
11<br />
Kimball, “<strong>California</strong> Sketches No. 1,” Rising<br />
Tide, ca. 1865.<br />
12<br />
Kimball, “<strong>California</strong> Sketches No. 2,” Rising<br />
Tide, ca. 1865.<br />
13<br />
Kimball Diary, June 15, 1865.<br />
14 Kimball, “<strong>California</strong> Sketches No. 2.”<br />
15<br />
Flora Kimball to Dear Age, n.d., Flora<br />
Kimball Collection, Box 122, National City<br />
Public Library, Morgan Local History Room<br />
(hereafter cited as Kimball Collection).<br />
16<br />
Flora Kimball, “Fruit Growers,” National<br />
City Record, Apr. 18, 1889. This is an excerpt<br />
from Flora’s speech at the 11th Annual Convention<br />
of Fruit Growers held in National<br />
City.<br />
17<br />
The land the Kimballs purchased had<br />
belonged to the Kumeyaay people; see<br />
Michael Connolly Miskwish, Kumeyaay: A<br />
History Textbook, Volume I: Precontact to 1893<br />
(El Cajon, CA: Sycuan Press, 2007), and<br />
Richard Carrico, Strangers in a Stolen Land,<br />
American Indians in San Diego, 1850–1880<br />
(Sacramento, CA: Sierra Oaks Publishing<br />
Company, 1987). Rancho de la Nación<br />
was initially owned by Don Juan Forster (a<br />
native of Liverpool, England), who was married<br />
to Maria Ysidora, sister to the last Mexican<br />
governor of <strong>California</strong>, Pío Pico. The<br />
story of the region’s evolution from Spanish<br />
to Mexican to Anglo domination is explored<br />
in Carey McWilliams, Southern <strong>California</strong>:<br />
An Island on the Land (Layton, UT: Gibbs<br />
Smith, 1946).<br />
18<br />
Kimball Diary, June 15, 1868. Frank notes<br />
that they had agreed to buy 26,632 acres<br />
from San Francisco bankers Francois Louis<br />
Pioche and J. B. Bayerque for $30,000, onethird<br />
in cash, with the balance purchased<br />
in three annual payments at 8 percent per<br />
annum.<br />
19<br />
The Orizaba first arrived in San Diego on<br />
Jan. 10, 1865, and ran until 1887. The voyage<br />
between San Francisco and San Diego<br />
generally took 3 days. The ship made port<br />
in San Diego about every 12 days; Jerry<br />
MacMullen “The Orizaba—And Johnston<br />
Heights,” The Journal of San Diego History<br />
5, no. 3 (July 1959): 47. “Designed for service<br />
between New York and Vera Cruz and<br />
launched in 1854, she [the Orizaba] came<br />
to the Pacific in 1856 and spent the next<br />
eight years running between San Francisco<br />
and Nicaragua and Panama. Purchased by<br />
the <strong>California</strong> Steam Navigation Co. from<br />
the Pacific Mail Steamship Co. in 1865,<br />
she began 20 years of voyages from San<br />
Francisco to San Diego, varied by occasional<br />
spells on the line north to Portland and Victoria.<br />
A steamer of 1334 tons and 246 feet<br />
long, Orizaba could carry 75 cabin and 200<br />
steerage passengers as well as 600 tons of<br />
cargo. This made her one of the largest vessels<br />
in the coastwise trade until after 1880”;<br />
John Haskell Kemble, Early Transportation in<br />
Southern <strong>California</strong>: Orizaba on the <strong>California</strong><br />
Coast, 1876 (San Francisco: The Book Club<br />
of <strong>California</strong>, 1954), 8.<br />
20<br />
Kimball, “Travel to National City,” <strong>California</strong><br />
Patron, May 10, 1879.<br />
21<br />
For more information on National City’s<br />
history with the <strong>California</strong> Southern Railroad,<br />
see Douglas L. Lowell, “The <strong>California</strong><br />
Southern Railroad and the Growth of San<br />
Diego, Part II, Journal of San Diego History<br />
32, no. 1 (Winter 1986); https://www.sandiegohistory.org/journal/86winter/railroad.<br />
htm.<br />
22<br />
Leslie Trook, National City: Kimball’s<br />
Dream (National City, CA: National City<br />
Chamber of Commerce, 1992), 12.<br />
23<br />
National City Record, July 4, 1889.<br />
24 This author was unable to find any reference<br />
as to who planted the Kimballs’ gardens.<br />
Yet Frank Kimball makes several notes<br />
in his diaries: “Hired an Indian boy to herd<br />
sheep at $8 a month”; “Only 7 Chinamen<br />
at work grading 24th in am and 9 in pm”;<br />
“Harry, Clinton, and Ah Lun, Ah Bin, Ah<br />
On and 20 other heathens at work”; Kimball<br />
Diary, Mar. 17, 1879, Mar. 4, 1882, July 12,<br />
1883.<br />
25<br />
Kimball, “Home and Family—Beautiful<br />
Lines from the Pen of Flora Kimball,”<br />
National City Record, Aug. 15, 1889.<br />
26<br />
See Marjorie Spruill Wheeler, ed., One<br />
Woman, One Vote, Rediscovering the Woman<br />
Suffrage Movement (Troutdale, OR: NewSage<br />
Press, 1995).<br />
27<br />
Kimball, <strong>California</strong> Patron, Nov. 2, 1878.<br />
28<br />
Daniel Flint, Journal of Proceedings of the<br />
Sixteenth Session of the National Grange of<br />
the Patrons of Husbandry (Philadelphia: J.A.<br />
Wagenweller, 1882), 26.<br />
29<br />
Ezra Slocum Carr, The Patrons of Husbandry<br />
on the Pacific Coast (San Francisco:<br />
A. L. Bancroft and Company, 1875), 107.<br />
Gilbert C. Fite notes: “The National Grange,<br />
established in 1868, was the first general<br />
farm organization founded in the United<br />
States. Formed during a period of low prices<br />
following the Civil War, the principle objectives<br />
of the Grange were to improve the<br />
social and economic welfare of rural people<br />
through organization and cooperation.<br />
However, the Grange turned to politics in<br />
the early 1870s and was largely responsible<br />
for the so-called Grange Laws which were<br />
designed to regulate railroads and other<br />
corporations. The political influence of the<br />
Grange was short-lived, however, and after<br />
the middle 1870s it had relatively little force<br />
in politics until it became active politically<br />
during the 1920s, nearly half a century<br />
later”; Fite, “The Changing Political Role of<br />
the Farmer,” in Pressure Groups in American<br />
Politics, ed. H. R. Mahood (New York: Scribner,<br />
1967), 166.<br />
30<br />
<strong>California</strong> Patron, May 8, 1880.<br />
31 Solon Justus Buck, The Grange Movement:<br />
A Study of Agricultural Organization and<br />
its Political, Economic and Social Manifestations<br />
1870–1880 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard<br />
University Press, 1913), 289. On Jan. 1,<br />
1882, the San Diego Union reported: “In the<br />
autumn and early winter of 1874, Brother<br />
Wright organized seven granges in San<br />
Diego County. Six died young, decay resulting<br />
in the death of most other Granges—<br />
lack of harmony and just appreciation of<br />
the benefits accruing from a connection<br />
with the Order. . . . For nearly seven years<br />
this Grange [the National Ranch Grange]<br />
did not fail to meet every two weeks, in the<br />
afternoon.”<br />
69
70<br />
n o t e s<br />
32<br />
Carrie A. Colby covered many of the same<br />
issues as Flora Kimball : “Education for<br />
Women,” <strong>California</strong> Patron, July 6, 1878;<br />
“Labor,” <strong>California</strong> Patron, Nov. 2, 1887;<br />
“Weak Women,” <strong>California</strong> Patron, July 5,<br />
1879.<br />
33<br />
Kimball, “Women’s Equality,” <strong>California</strong><br />
Patron, July 6, 1878.<br />
34<br />
L. M. Daugherty, “Our Homes,” <strong>California</strong><br />
Patron, July 10, 1880.<br />
35<br />
Kimball, “Trades for Girls,” <strong>California</strong><br />
Patron, Dec. 3, 1881.<br />
36<br />
Kimball, “New Departure,” <strong>California</strong><br />
Patron, Feb. 4, 1882.<br />
37<br />
Kimball, “Mrs. Glover’s Kitchen Stories—Woman’s<br />
Work,” <strong>California</strong> Patron,<br />
Mar. 23, 1882.<br />
38<br />
Betsy B. was the pen name for theatre<br />
critic Mary Therese Austin; William Cushing,<br />
Initials and Pseudonyms—A Dictionary<br />
of Literary Disguises (Boston: Thomas Y.<br />
Crowell & Co., 1885), 337.<br />
39<br />
Kimball, “Great Women,” <strong>California</strong><br />
Patron, June 3, 1882.<br />
40<br />
Charles Elliott, “Woman’s Work and<br />
Woman’s Wages,” North American (August<br />
1881).<br />
41<br />
Kimball, “Troublesome Women,” <strong>California</strong><br />
Patron, Sept. 2, 1881.<br />
42<br />
Kimball, “Suffragette, Fossil Literature,”<br />
<strong>California</strong> Patron, Apr. 16, 1881.<br />
43<br />
Kimball, “Suffragette, Self Support,” <strong>California</strong><br />
Patron, June 26, 1880.<br />
44<br />
Geoffrey C. Ward, et al., Not for Ourselves<br />
Alone: The Story of Elizabeth Cady Stanton<br />
and Susan B. Anthony (Alfred A. Knopf:<br />
New York, 1999), 122. In 1853, Stanton<br />
wore a “loose-fitting skirt that ended just<br />
four inches below the knee over capacious<br />
‘Turkish’ trousers.” “The costume had been<br />
devised in the autumn of 1850 by Stanton’s’<br />
cousin Elizabeth Smith Miller.” Amelia<br />
Bloomer publicized trousers in her newspaper<br />
The Lily and they were soon referred to<br />
as Bloomers. For a comprehensive chronicle<br />
of the social history of American women<br />
and fashion, see Lois W. Banner, American<br />
Beauty (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1983).<br />
In her chapter “The Feminist Challenge and<br />
Fashion’s Response,” Banner explores the<br />
social and political sources that agitated for<br />
style change for American women.<br />
<strong>California</strong> History • volume 87 number 4 2010<br />
45<br />
Kimball, “Fashion: Feminine Folly,”<br />
<strong>California</strong> Patron, Feb. 12, 1881. Nineteenthcentury<br />
women were imprisoned in their<br />
clothing. A corset applied an average of 21<br />
pounds of pressure to a woman’s abdominal<br />
area, with some as much as 88 pounds. The<br />
skirts that descended from a constricted<br />
center weighed, again on average, almost<br />
20 pounds, and they dragged in layers on<br />
the ground. “Both poor and wealthy women<br />
wore their dresses long, losing the use of<br />
one hand to the continual lifting of the<br />
skirts”; Kathryn Cullen-DuPont, Elizabeth<br />
Cady Stanton and Women’s Liberty (New<br />
York: Facts on File, 1992), 63.<br />
46<br />
Kimball, “Fashion Notes,” <strong>California</strong><br />
Patron, Oct. 23, 1880.<br />
47<br />
Jamie Aronson, “Jane Austen: Background<br />
and Early Life,” History Reference<br />
Center, http://web.ebscohost.com/ehost/<br />
detail. In the late nineteenth century, Marietta<br />
Holley (1836–1926) also wrote humorous<br />
political stories focusing on women’s<br />
suffrage; see Michael H. Epp, “The Traffic<br />
in Affect: Marietta Holley, Suffrage, and<br />
Late Nineteenth-Century Popular Humour,”<br />
Canadian Review of American Studies 36, no.<br />
1 (2006): 93.<br />
48<br />
Betsy Snow, “Something Original: Advice<br />
to Young Wives,” <strong>California</strong> Patron, July 25,<br />
1885.<br />
49<br />
Snow, “Betsy Snow Stays at Home,” <strong>California</strong><br />
Patron, Sept. 19, 1885.<br />
50<br />
Snow, “Extravagant Wives,” <strong>California</strong><br />
Patron, Aug. 8, 1885.<br />
51<br />
Gene Ingles, “The Literary Ghost in San<br />
Diego’s Attic,” San Diego Union, Oct. 4,<br />
1964. Ingles notes that The Fairfields is a<br />
small book approximately 3 x 5 inches, with<br />
175 pages and dark green cover with gold<br />
lettering. An obscure, rarely seen book,<br />
he believed that its authorship was one of<br />
the biggest mysteries in San Diego literary<br />
circles. A copy exists today in the <strong>California</strong><br />
State Library in Sacramento.<br />
52<br />
Kimball, “Fruit Growers.”<br />
53<br />
Kimball, “Our Homes—What They Ought<br />
To Be,” <strong>California</strong> Patron, June 5, 1880.<br />
54<br />
Kimball, “Possibilities,” The Great Southwest,<br />
Feb. 12, 1890.<br />
55<br />
Kimball, The Great Southwest, Sept. 5,<br />
1889.<br />
56<br />
Notes, Board of Trustees meeting, July<br />
15, 1896, 5, National City Public Library<br />
Collection.<br />
57 San Diego Union, Apr. 26, 1883.<br />
58<br />
Irene Philips, “In Old National City,”<br />
Chula Vista Star News, June 23, 1960.<br />
59<br />
San Diego Union (reprinted from the<br />
Pacific Rural Press), Sept. 5, 1890.<br />
60<br />
National City Record, May 30, 1889.<br />
The National School District at that time<br />
included Chula Vista, National City, and<br />
Coronado.<br />
61<br />
Some of Flora Kimball’s contemporaries<br />
in the San Diego area who were involved in<br />
socially active clubs and organizations were<br />
Annie Slone, Ella Allen, and Dr. Charlotte<br />
Baker, president of the local Equal Suffrage<br />
Association; see Marilyn Kneeland, “Modern<br />
Boston Tea Party: the San Diego Suffrage<br />
Camp of 1911,” The Journal of San Diego History<br />
23, no. 4 (Fall 1977): 35. Another contemporary<br />
was Lydia Knapp Horton, who<br />
was president of the San Diego Wednesday<br />
Club and a member of the Board of Trustees<br />
of the San Diego Public Library; see Elizabeth<br />
C. MacPhail, “A ‘Liberated’ Woman in<br />
Early San Diego,” The Journal of San Diego<br />
History 27, no. 1. (Winter 1981): 17. Rebecca<br />
Mead explores the role many of these social<br />
clubs played in the theater of <strong>California</strong>’s<br />
political life in the late nineteenth century,<br />
highlighting Caroline M. Severance and<br />
Charlotte Perkins (Stetson) Gilman; Mead,<br />
How the Vote Was Won (New York: New York<br />
University Press, 2004), 74–76.<br />
62<br />
“New England Meeting,” National City<br />
Record, Feb. 25, 1886.<br />
63<br />
“Origins of the Friday Club,” Friday Club<br />
Collection, Morgan Local History Room, box<br />
32, folder 3.<br />
64<br />
“Social Science Club Meeting,” National<br />
City Record, Oct. 21, 1897. The Social Science<br />
Club, later to be called the Friday Club,<br />
is one of the oldest clubs in <strong>California</strong>. The<br />
date of origin for the original organization<br />
was the first Friday of Sept. 1897, but there<br />
are neither minute books nor other historical<br />
data from 1897 to 1900 in the club files.<br />
The Social Science Club was a literary parlor<br />
club with room for 20 active members and<br />
10 associate members. The name Social<br />
Science Club held from Sept. 1897 to Sept.<br />
1898, after which the club was referred to<br />
as the Friday Club; National City Record,<br />
July 3, 1898. In 1910, 12 years after Flora<br />
Kimball’s death, her husband would build<br />
the Olivewood Club House to honor his<br />
wife. This seemed an appropriate memorial<br />
to a woman so vested in social clubs. The
empty clubhouse still stands on the corner<br />
of F Avenue and 24th Street. For more on<br />
early National City clubs and the Olivewood<br />
Club House, see Clarence Alan McGrew,<br />
City of San Diego and San Diego County, vol.<br />
1 (Chicago: American <strong>Historical</strong> <strong>Society</strong>,<br />
1922), 388, and San Diego County <strong>California</strong>:<br />
A Record of Settlement, Organization, Progress<br />
and Achievement, vol. 2 (Chicago: S. J. Clarke<br />
Publishing Co., 1913), 338.<br />
65<br />
“Woman Suffrage,” San Diego Union,<br />
June 18 and 21, 1895. Susan B. Anthony<br />
was the proprietor of The Revolution, a 16page<br />
weekly, which first appeared on Jan. 8,<br />
1868. Along with writer Elizabeth Stanton,<br />
Anthony had for a long time championed<br />
the right of women to vote and also supported<br />
labor’s right to strike, called for equal<br />
pay for equal work, and encouraged building<br />
a coalition with organized labor. See also<br />
Ward, et al., Not for Ourselves Alone.<br />
66<br />
“Street Widening Dooms 24 Trees,” San<br />
Diego Union, Jan. 14, 1957.<br />
67<br />
Flora Kimball, “Fruit Growers.” See also<br />
San Diego Union, Mar. 8, 1895; Frank Kimball,<br />
“The Supreme Attraction of National<br />
City Is Her Sidewalk Shade Trees,” National<br />
City Record, June 1, 1907; and “The Trees<br />
of National City,” San Diego Union, Jan. 14,<br />
1957.<br />
68<br />
Marilyn Carnes and Matthew Nye, Early<br />
National City (San Francisco: Arcadia Publishing,<br />
2009), 96. The Lunch Parlor was<br />
also used as advertisement for the region:<br />
“As there are not more attractive grounds<br />
or groves to interest the tourist unused to<br />
Southern <strong>California</strong> sights, there could be<br />
no better means of advertising what this<br />
region can produce than to show, upon their<br />
own stalks and boughs, such flowers and<br />
fruits as at Olivewood flourish from January<br />
to January almost without cessation”; San<br />
Diego Union, June 1, 1890.<br />
69<br />
San Diego Union, July 3, 1898. Flora was<br />
buried at National City’s La Vista Cemetery;<br />
the ceremony was conducted by E. T.<br />
Blackmer, the second husband of her sister<br />
Louisa.<br />
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72<br />
r e v i e w s<br />
Edited by James J. Rawls<br />
PlaCinG memory:<br />
a PHotoGraPHiC<br />
exPloration of<br />
JaPanese ameriCan<br />
internment<br />
Photographs by Todd Stewart;<br />
essays by Natasha Egan and<br />
Karen J. Leong (Norman:<br />
University of Oklahoma Press,<br />
2008, 132 pp., $34.95, cloth)<br />
tHe first to Cry DoWn<br />
inJustiCe? Western JeWs<br />
anD JaPanese remoVal<br />
DurinG WorlD War ii<br />
By Ellen M. Eisenberg (Plymouth,<br />
UK: Lexington Books, 2008,<br />
204 pp., $65 cloth, $24.95 paper)<br />
REVIEWED BY ELENA TAJIMA CREEF, ASSOCI-<br />
ATE PROFESSOR OF WOMEN’S AND GENDER<br />
STUDIES, WELLESLEY COLLEGE, AND AUTHOR<br />
OF IMAGInG JApAnese AMerICA: THe VIsuAL<br />
ConsTruCTIon oF CITIzensHIp, nATIon,<br />
And THe Body<br />
Todd Stewart’s color photographs in<br />
Placing Memory: A Photographic Exploration<br />
of Japanese American Internment<br />
bear witness to this dark chapter of<br />
American wartime history. His stark<br />
images confront us with the physical<br />
memory of where 110,000 Japanese<br />
Americans were incarcerated, banished<br />
to the margins of mainstream American<br />
consciousness and the remote<br />
corners of the nation’s interior, during<br />
World War II.<br />
In her essay, Karen J. Leong notes that<br />
it “was not until the 1980s that thirdgeneration<br />
Japanese Americans were<br />
able to voice what their parents and<br />
<strong>California</strong> History • volume 87 number 4 2010<br />
grandparents had struggled to keep<br />
silent for so long.” I would add that<br />
first- and second-generation silence<br />
was officially broken during the 1981<br />
hearings held by the Commission on<br />
Wartime Relocation and Internment<br />
of Civilians, in which former internees<br />
spoke up—many for the first time—for<br />
the Congressional Record. Leong is<br />
correct that today, some twenty years<br />
after the reparations and redress movement,<br />
the Japanese American internment<br />
experience has become prominent<br />
in American national consciousness—especially<br />
in a post–9/11 world.<br />
Stewart’s work helps us, she argues,<br />
to render this history visible—indeed,<br />
the inclusion of detailed contemporary<br />
site maps of all ten former internment<br />
camps at the end of this volume literally<br />
illustrates what an archaeology of<br />
historical memory, space, and place<br />
might look like.<br />
While Stewart’s photographs are moving,<br />
what is unacknowledged is the<br />
indebtedness of his compilation to<br />
other artists whose landscape images<br />
of camp ruins comprise the larger<br />
visual archive of this subject. Missing<br />
is any reference to the works of<br />
Masumi Hayashi and Joan Myers,<br />
whose brilliant color collages and<br />
black-and-white landscape photographs<br />
also explore the ghostlike abandoned<br />
spaces of these former camps.<br />
An afterword by John Tateishi offers<br />
what is perhaps the most stirring contribution<br />
to Placing Memory. His personal<br />
reflections as a former internee<br />
who spent his early childhood behind<br />
barbed wire ironically undercuts the<br />
book’s opening comment by Natasha<br />
Egan that there is a “diversity of opinion<br />
among those interred concerning<br />
the justice of this wartime government<br />
policy.” Tateishi’s powerful closing<br />
commentary reminds us, in no uncertain<br />
terms, that the injustice of the<br />
camps and the psychic wounds of that<br />
experience are to this day carried by<br />
surviving former internees whose lives<br />
were turned upside down as a result<br />
of Executive Order 9066—a collective<br />
experience that is inexpressible in<br />
words and which not even Todd Stewart’s<br />
haunting photographs can come<br />
close to capturing on film.<br />
Ellen M. Eisenberg’s fine historical<br />
study, The First to Cry Down Injustice?<br />
Western Jews and Japanese Removal during<br />
World War II, offers a different kind<br />
of intervention in the history of Japanese<br />
American relocation and internment.<br />
Her meticulous and impeccably<br />
researched book documents the Jewish
esponses to Executive Order 9066 in<br />
the West Coast communities spanning<br />
the Pacific Northwest and <strong>California</strong>.<br />
Eisenberg interrogates the silence of<br />
the Jewish community and the nuances<br />
of this silence, uniquely mapping a different<br />
kind of “ethnic landscape” of the<br />
American West, with its comparative<br />
treatment of the Japanese American<br />
and Jewish communities. She reveals<br />
how the Jewish press responded to the<br />
Japanese American wartime experience<br />
(with various levels of avoidance and<br />
discomfort) and chronicles those individuals<br />
and groups that stood in opposition<br />
to the wartime treatment of Japanese<br />
Americans. Most profound is the<br />
documentation of how one Los Angeles–based<br />
Jewish news organization<br />
was involved in anti-Nikkei propaganda<br />
as the end result of a longer history<br />
ironically devoted to antidiscrimination<br />
and anti-Semitic activities.<br />
The First to Cry Down Injustice makes<br />
important new contributions to the<br />
extant scholarship on prewar and wartime<br />
Japanese American and Jewish<br />
race relations.<br />
WHereVer tHere’s a<br />
fiGHt: HoW runaWay<br />
slaVes, suffraGists,<br />
immiGrants, strikers,<br />
anD Poets sHaPeD CiVil<br />
liBerties in <strong>California</strong><br />
By Elaine Elinson and Stan Yogi<br />
(Berkeley: Heyday, 2009, 512 pp.,<br />
$24.95 paper)<br />
REVIEWED BY CHARLES WOLLENBERG, BERKE-<br />
LEY CITY COLLEGE, AUTHOR OF BerkeLey: A<br />
CITy In HIsTory<br />
In their introduction to this fine<br />
book, authors Elaine Elinson and Stan<br />
Yogi use one of my favorite <strong>California</strong><br />
quotations—Wallace Stegner’s observation<br />
that the state “is just like the rest<br />
of the United States only more so”—in<br />
describing <strong>California</strong> as an exaggerated<br />
version of the American experience.<br />
That’s certainly true of the themes<br />
treated in this volume. <strong>California</strong> has<br />
an extraordinary record of racism,<br />
repression, and violation of civil rights<br />
and civil liberties, but the state also<br />
has a remarkable heritage of struggle<br />
against these conditions. Elinson and<br />
Yogi discuss the soft underbelly of<br />
the <strong>California</strong> dream, from the ethnic<br />
cleansing of indigenous inhabitants<br />
to the contemporary violations of the<br />
rights of immigrants, gays, and lesbians.<br />
But in this narrative, victims<br />
fight back, gain valuable allies, and<br />
sometimes win significant victories.<br />
The authors argue that “for every<br />
crisis, there were resonant voices of<br />
resistance.”<br />
Elinson and Yogi are former and present<br />
staff members of the American<br />
Civil Liberties Union. While they discuss<br />
many forms of historical struggle,<br />
including strikes and political organizing,<br />
their primary focus, like that of<br />
the ACLU, is on legal battles and court<br />
decisions. <strong>California</strong> judges often supported<br />
repression and injustice, but the<br />
courts were an arena where defenders<br />
of civil rights and civil liberties had<br />
more than a fighting chance. Since<br />
the establishment of its first <strong>California</strong><br />
affiliates in the 1920s and 1930s, the<br />
ACLU has been an important part of<br />
this process. Past ACLU leaders, such<br />
as attorney A. L. Wirin of the southern<br />
<strong>California</strong> chapter and executive director<br />
Ernest Besig of the northern <strong>California</strong><br />
branch, play significant roles in<br />
the narrative.<br />
Plenty of other prominent historical<br />
figures put in appearances as well,<br />
including writers John Steinbeck and<br />
Lawrence Ferlinghetti, screenwriter<br />
Dalton Trumbo, labor leaders Cesar<br />
Chavez and Harry Bridges, and Black<br />
Panther Party founder Huey Newton.<br />
73
74<br />
r e v i e w s<br />
The book also tells impressive stories<br />
of lesser known people, such as former<br />
slave Biddy Mason, suffragist Selma<br />
Solomons, and Mary Tape and Gonzalo<br />
Mendez, parents who fought against<br />
racial segregation and exclusion in<br />
<strong>California</strong> public schools. Fred Korematsu<br />
receives special treatment. He<br />
eventually won a reversal of his original<br />
conviction for resisting the 1940s<br />
wartime internment of people of Japanese<br />
descent and lived long enough to<br />
condemn the detention of suspected<br />
terrorists without due process in the<br />
aftermath of 9/11.<br />
The book proceeds thematically, with<br />
separate chapters focusing on topics<br />
such as ethnic discrimination, labor<br />
exploitation, political censorship, and<br />
discrimination based on sexual preference.<br />
This structure promotes the<br />
discussion of historical continuities<br />
but discourages the examination of the<br />
links between various forms of repression<br />
and resistance and the importance<br />
of particular eras and decades. In the<br />
1960s, for example, the various separate<br />
protest movements fed off one<br />
another and reinforced processes of<br />
social and cultural change. As might be<br />
expected in a study of this magnitude,<br />
there are occasional factual errors.<br />
For example, author, activist, and civil<br />
libertarian Upton Sinclair did not win<br />
the Nobel Prize for Literature (Sinclair<br />
Lewis did). But this nitpicking should<br />
not detract from the overall strength<br />
of the book. It is a prime example of<br />
Wallace Stegner’s observation put into<br />
scholarly practice—a solid study of<br />
<strong>California</strong> events and conditions that<br />
provides extraordinary perspective on<br />
some of the worst and best elements of<br />
American life and culture.<br />
o, my anCestor:<br />
reCoGnition anD<br />
reneWal for tHe<br />
GaBrielino-tonGVa<br />
PeoPle of tHe los<br />
anGeles area<br />
<strong>California</strong> History • volume 87 number 4 2010<br />
By Claudia Jurmain and William<br />
McCawley (Berkeley: Heyday, 2009,<br />
368 pp., $21.95 paper)<br />
REVIEWED BY DAVID R . M . BECK, PROFESSOR<br />
OF NATIVE AMERICAN STUDIES, UNIVERSITY<br />
OF MONTANA, AND AUTHOR OF SEEking<br />
REcognition: thE tERmination and REStoRation<br />
oF thE cooS, LowER UmpqUa<br />
and SiUSLaw indianS oF SoUthwEStERn<br />
oREgon in hiStoRicaL contExt, 1855–1984<br />
This book is about the Gabrielino-<br />
Tongva American Indian community, a<br />
“landless urban tribe” whose ancestors<br />
lived in what is now the greater Los<br />
Angeles area (xviii, 201). The book “is<br />
a general publication in partnership<br />
with the Tongva people” and Rancho<br />
Los Alamitos, located on their original<br />
homeland, which intends, “for the<br />
first time, [to] give voice to individuals,<br />
families, and groups within the<br />
Tongva community today” (xvi). As<br />
the authors tell us, “This is a story of<br />
revitalization and renewal, of a people<br />
who have continuously redefined themselves<br />
by blending their own cultural<br />
traditions with the cultures of newcomers—whether<br />
Spanish, Mexican or<br />
American” (xxii).<br />
The volume is a coffee table–sized<br />
work, consisting of three lengthy<br />
essays that are organized by theme<br />
and utilize ethnographic monographs<br />
and interviews with tribal members<br />
as sources. Each essay is followed by<br />
several of ten transcribed conversations<br />
the authors held with individual<br />
tribe members. The first, “Continuity<br />
within Change: Identity and Culture,”<br />
describes identity in cultural, political,<br />
and personal terms and explores the<br />
reasons these forms of identity have<br />
been attacked and hidden during the<br />
Spanish, Mexican, and American years.<br />
The conversations illuminate ways in<br />
which modern generations have been<br />
reclaiming these various identities.<br />
The second essay, “A Connection to<br />
Place: Land and History,” describes<br />
Povuu’ngna, the Gabrielino-Tongva<br />
ancient homeland, and the emergent<br />
place of the “law-giver God”<br />
Chinigchinich, in historic and modern<br />
terms (104). The land, dispossessed<br />
over time in a variety of ways, “exists<br />
simultaneously in their cultural memory<br />
both as a thing taken from them<br />
and, paradoxically, as a thing that can<br />
never be lost” (101).<br />
The third essay, “The Enduring Vision:<br />
Recognition and Renewal,” identifies<br />
the significance of federal recognition<br />
to tribe members and observes that<br />
though deeply divided on the role of<br />
recognition in their future, they are<br />
relatively united on the goal of achieving<br />
recognition as they seek justice for<br />
past wrongs. This has been the basis of
a “passionate debate over . . . how best<br />
to achieve it,” but also addresses dissent<br />
over the structural form the tribal<br />
government should take (201). Paradoxically,<br />
the essay observes, the “Tongva<br />
do not need recognition, federal or otherwise,<br />
to define who they are” (214).<br />
As may be expected of a communitybased<br />
history, O, My Ancestor is not<br />
error free—the Heye Foundation was<br />
in New York, not Chicago, for example.<br />
The term “sacred” is used liberally but<br />
defined loosely. The group conversations<br />
would be easier to follow if the<br />
names of individuals were spelled<br />
out each time they spoke, rather than<br />
initialized. Nonetheless, this is a beautifully<br />
produced book with a moving<br />
story of a federally unrecognized group<br />
of people regaining their identity after<br />
severe historic losses. “The Tongva culture<br />
has always been a rich and diverse<br />
blend of cultural influences,” the book<br />
posits (213). This cultural elasticity has<br />
been a basis for survival that long predates<br />
the arrival of the Spanish to the<br />
Tongva homeland. The book’s strength<br />
is in the individual stories that illustrate<br />
the continuities and changes in<br />
community life.<br />
CosmoPolitans: a<br />
soCial & Cultural<br />
History of tHe JeWs<br />
of tHe san franCisCo<br />
Bay area<br />
By Fred Rosenbaum (Berkeley:<br />
University of <strong>California</strong> Press, 2009,<br />
462 pp., $39.95 cloth)<br />
REVIEWED BY AVA F . KAHN, COAUTHOR WITH<br />
ELLEN EISENBERG AND WILLIAM TOLL OF<br />
JEwS oF thE paciFic coaSt: REinvEnting<br />
commUnity on amERica’S EdgE; EDITOR<br />
OF JewIsH VoICes oF THe CALIFornIA rusH<br />
AND JewIsH LIFe In THe AMerICAn wesT;<br />
AND COEDITOR WITH MARC DOLLINGER OF<br />
CALIFornIA Jews<br />
In her pioneering article “Forging<br />
a Cosmopolitan Civic Culture: The<br />
Regional Identity of San Francisco and<br />
Northern <strong>California</strong>,” historian Glenna<br />
Matthews enumerated the region’s<br />
singular features. She emphasized the<br />
lasting effects of its Gold Rush founding,<br />
the diversity of its population,<br />
its religious pluralism, and its opportunities<br />
for social mobility. Inspired<br />
by Matthews and identifying these<br />
same characteristics in the Jewish<br />
community, Fred Rosenbaum chose<br />
Cosmopolitans as the title and organizing<br />
principle for his hundred-year<br />
history. He describes the “essence” of<br />
San Francisco’s Jewish community as<br />
“more universalistic than particularistic,<br />
artistically creative and economically<br />
powerful, philanthropic and civicminded,<br />
borrowing freely from other<br />
traditions and interacting fully with<br />
non-Jews.” He supports his conclusion<br />
by placing the Jewish community in<br />
historical context, examining generational<br />
differences, and demonstrating<br />
the community’s exceptionalism as<br />
compared to the wider American Jewish<br />
community.<br />
A comprehensive history that begins<br />
with the Gold Rush, Cosmopolitans<br />
illuminates the events and personalities<br />
that shaped the Bay Area’s Jewish<br />
and civic communities in chronological<br />
and thematic chapters. Beginning,<br />
for example, with an 1859 meeting to<br />
protest the kidnapping of an Italian<br />
Jewish child, Jews joined with non-Jews<br />
to support common causes. Among the<br />
individuals Rosenbaum considers are<br />
the young merchants Anthony Zellerbach,<br />
Jesse Steinhart, and Levi Strauss,<br />
who not only achieved wealth but also<br />
elevated their families’ places in the<br />
new society, becoming prominent in<br />
the arts and philanthropies, and the<br />
politicians Adolph Sutro, the first Jewish<br />
mayor of a major city, and Florence<br />
Prag Kahn, the first Jewish congresswoman.<br />
As Rosenbaum demonstrates,<br />
Jewish artists, authors, dramatists, and<br />
musicians enhanced the city’s cultural<br />
identity.<br />
Rabbis and professionals alike<br />
embraced Progressivism and social<br />
justice causes. Rosenbaum explains<br />
synagogue histories, the relationships<br />
between Jews and their city and other<br />
75
76<br />
r e v i e w s<br />
ethnic groups, and the continuing<br />
influence of the German Jewish elites<br />
years after they had been usurped by<br />
Eastern Europeans in other western cities.<br />
However, the Jewish community’s<br />
most notable characteristic, Rosenbaum<br />
believes, was its diversity. Strong<br />
voices debated how to cope with Eastern<br />
European migrants, multiple forms<br />
of Jewish affiliation and the unaffiliated,<br />
concerns about dual loyalties, and<br />
reactions to the Holocaust, Zionism,<br />
and McCarthyism.<br />
An immensely valuable history, Cosmopolitans<br />
could have contributed further<br />
to scholarship had it placed San Francisco<br />
Jewry in a western context. As is<br />
the case with many ethnic histories, at<br />
times the book overemphasizes Jewish<br />
contributions. These are minor points.<br />
While scholars may quibble about a<br />
few interpretations, Cosmopolitans is a<br />
well-balanced work that describes the<br />
laudable as well as the less desirable<br />
aspects of San Francisco Jewry. Thoroughly<br />
researched and footnoted, with<br />
multiple asterisks elaborating content,<br />
it is extremely well written.<br />
Many Jews believed that in San Francisco<br />
they had found the Promised<br />
Land. One thing is certain: without the<br />
presence of Jewish merchants, philanthropists,<br />
politicians, reformers, artists,<br />
authors, and musicians, San Francisco<br />
would be a very different place. Cosmopolitans<br />
supplies a crucial piece of San<br />
Francisco’s ethnic puzzle.<br />
WHeels of CHanGe:<br />
from Zero to 600<br />
m.P.H.: tHe amaZinG<br />
story of <strong>California</strong><br />
anD tHe automoBile<br />
By Kevin Nelson (Berkeley: Heyday<br />
and <strong>California</strong> <strong>Historical</strong> <strong>Society</strong>,<br />
2009, 400 pp., $24.95 paper)<br />
REVIEWED BY ASHLEIGH BRILLIANT, AUTHOR<br />
OF thE gREat caR cRazE: how SoUthERn<br />
caLiFoRnia coLLidEd with thE aUtomobiLE<br />
in thE 1920S<br />
<strong>California</strong> History • volume 87 number 4 2010<br />
This book has two themes, not very<br />
harmoniously interwoven. One is a<br />
general account of the development of<br />
<strong>California</strong>’s car culture from its beginnings<br />
in the late nineteenth century<br />
up to 1965. The other is a lovingly<br />
detailed chronicle of motor racing, car<br />
design and production, and the pursuit<br />
of speed records, focusing on, but not<br />
limited to, <strong>California</strong>.<br />
If you enjoy lap-by-lap descriptions of<br />
race meets, time trials, hot-rod encounters,<br />
endurance runs, and drag racing<br />
souped up with a parade of celebrity<br />
speed addicts like Clark Gable, Steve<br />
McQueen, and James Dean, this book<br />
is for you. If, on the other hand, you<br />
are more interested in just how the<br />
automobile has affected daily life in<br />
the Golden State, there is plenty of<br />
well-researched information between<br />
these covers. But the work as a whole<br />
is almost useless for reference purposes<br />
due to an incredibly poor index,<br />
evidently limited to proper names.<br />
Thus, for example, although there are<br />
valuable accounts of the development<br />
of freeways, oil and gasoline, trailers<br />
and motor homes, drive-in movies, and<br />
smog, there is no easy way of locating<br />
any of these; they are not indexed.<br />
Also lamentably lacking are any maps.<br />
Although the book is full of motor<br />
voyages, routes, and place-names, there<br />
is not a single map to facilitate the<br />
reader’s own journey.<br />
Kevin Nelson writes well and entertainingly.<br />
His approach is largely biographical,<br />
with extensive coverage of the lives<br />
and careers of car sales tycoons such as<br />
Earle C. Anthony, racing legends such<br />
as Barney Oldfield, and car designers<br />
and builders such as Harley Earl and<br />
Harry A. Miller. A full seven pages are<br />
devoted to the life and violent track<br />
death of Jimmie Murphy, a motor racing<br />
idol of the 1920s. (Significantly,<br />
the book’s dedication includes “all the<br />
people whose lives ended, too soon,<br />
in a car.” And this reviewer’s one<br />
appearance in the text—hereby happily<br />
acknowledged—is my observation,<br />
concerning the streets of Los Angeles<br />
in the 1920s, that “Never before in<br />
human history, except in time of war,<br />
had so many people been exposed in<br />
the course of their daily lives to the risk<br />
of violent death.”)<br />
Nelson traveled extensively around<br />
<strong>California</strong> in the course of his research,<br />
and the book is well balanced geographically.<br />
He grew up in the Bay
Area—and his account of the role of<br />
automobiles in the 1906 earthquake<br />
and fire, changing their image from<br />
“devil wagons” to “chariots of mercy”—<br />
is particularly good.<br />
The more mundane aspects of <strong>California</strong>’s<br />
automotive revolution, however,<br />
such as parking, have been ignored in<br />
favor of the sensational. And, as a resident<br />
of Santa Barbara, I must point out<br />
that although Nelson gives us proper<br />
credit as the birthplace of Motel 6, he<br />
neglects, in his list of fast-food chains<br />
that began in southern <strong>California</strong>, to<br />
include the once-huge Sambo’s, whose<br />
original restaurant is still operating<br />
here by the beach, with off-street customer<br />
parking for sixteen cars.<br />
soliDarity stories:<br />
an oral History of<br />
tHe ilWu<br />
By Harvey Schwartz (Seattle:<br />
University of Washington Press, 2009,<br />
352 pp., $50 cloth, $24.95 paper)<br />
REVIEWED BY GREG MARqUIS, PROFESSOR OF<br />
HISTORY, UNIVERSITY OF NEW BRUNSWICK<br />
SAINT JOHN, CANADA<br />
This evocative volume is based<br />
on an oral history project in the early<br />
1980s and its interviews with more<br />
than 200 men and women who were<br />
members of the International Longshore<br />
and Warehouse Union (ILWU).<br />
This militant, left-wing Pacific coast<br />
union, organized in the struggles of the<br />
1930s, earned an important place in<br />
American and Canadian labor history.<br />
The book begins with a useful introduction<br />
that explains the long-term<br />
political stance of the ILWU, which<br />
supported Republican Spain against<br />
fascism in the 1930s, urged a peaceful<br />
settlement to the Vietnam War, supported<br />
unions in other parts of the<br />
world, and has condemned American<br />
support for military dictatorships<br />
and aspects of free-trade agreements<br />
and globalization. In the late 1940s,<br />
the ILWU was one of the few unions<br />
purged by the Congress of Industrial<br />
Organizations to survive. Readers of<br />
these interviews will conclude that<br />
despite the importance of such leaders<br />
as the famous Harry Bridges, the<br />
ILWU is the sum of its parts—in this<br />
case, a large number of dedicated,<br />
loyal, and proud members and their<br />
families who simply wanted to help<br />
working people.<br />
Editor Harvey Schwartz has skillfully<br />
omitted the original interview questions<br />
in order to give voice to rank-andfile<br />
members who toiled on docks, in<br />
the holds of ships, in warehouses, on<br />
Hawaiian pineapple plantations, and at<br />
cotton compresses in <strong>California</strong>. The<br />
union “marched inland” to organize<br />
inland boat workers and warehouse<br />
workers. The most recent campaign<br />
reported in the book was the organiza-<br />
tion campaign at Portland, Oregon,<br />
bookstores in 1998–2000. The interviews<br />
presented deal principally with<br />
Los Angeles and Long Beach, the San<br />
Francisco Bay area, <strong>California</strong>’s Central<br />
Valley, ports in the Pacific Northwest<br />
such as Coos Bay, Seattle, Portland,<br />
Tacoma, Vancouver, and Hawaii.<br />
Reflecting the segmented nature of the<br />
workforce in the past, most of those<br />
interviewed were white males, but<br />
given the ethnic patterns in plantation<br />
agriculture and greater support for<br />
civil rights in the post-1945 era, interviewees<br />
also represented the African-,<br />
Hispanic Filipino-, Chinese-, Japanese-<br />
American and native Hawaiian communities<br />
and women, such as Valerie<br />
Taylor, who served as president of the<br />
ILWU women’s federated auxiliaries<br />
from 1949 to 1973.<br />
Solidarity Stories contains not only<br />
personal stories but also details of<br />
interest to social historians, such as the<br />
struggle against the “shape up system”<br />
that ended with union control of dispatching<br />
(selecting workers for specific<br />
jobs). The personal accounts remind<br />
us that history is also made by ordinary<br />
people who take risks and often suffer<br />
for their activism. This is important to<br />
remember at a time when the proportion<br />
of unionized American workers<br />
has declined to less than 13 percent.<br />
77
78<br />
r e v i e w s<br />
<strong>California</strong> inDians anD<br />
tHeir enVironment: an<br />
introDuCtion<br />
By Kent G. Lightfoot and Otis<br />
Parrish (Berkeley: University of<br />
<strong>California</strong>, 2009, 512 pp., $50 cloth,<br />
$24.95 paper)<br />
REVIEWED BY JAN TIMBROOK, CURATOR OF<br />
ETHNOGRAPHY, SANTA BARBARA MUSEUM<br />
OF NATURAL HISTORY AND AUTHOR OF CHu-<br />
MAsH eTHnoBoTAny: pLAnT knowLedGe<br />
AMonG THe CHuMAsH IndIAns oF souTHern<br />
CALIFornIA<br />
Reading through <strong>California</strong> Indians<br />
and Their Environment, I found myself<br />
making notes in the margins—“Good”<br />
“Yes!” “Excellent”—and marking whole<br />
paragraphs with asterisks. The first<br />
150 pages, grouped under the heading<br />
“Rethinking <strong>California</strong> Indians,” are<br />
required reading for anyone wishing<br />
to understand Native peoples’ relationships<br />
with the natural resources of<br />
our state.<br />
Kent Lightfoot, a well-known archaeologist,<br />
and Otis Parrish, a respected<br />
Kashaya Pomo elder, demolish the persistent<br />
stereotype of <strong>California</strong> Indians<br />
as noble savages who hunted, gathered,<br />
and fished in perfect harmony with the<br />
environment. As they point out, many<br />
instances of overexploitation and famine<br />
occurred throughout prehistory.<br />
They are also unwilling to accept<br />
a newly popular characterization<br />
derived from mounting evidence that<br />
<strong>California</strong> Indians used fire as an environmental<br />
management tool. Some<br />
writers have characterized this practice<br />
as “incipient cultivation” or “proto-<br />
<strong>California</strong> History • volume 87 number 4 2010<br />
agriculture.” Lightfoot and Parrish<br />
argue that such terms wrongly imply<br />
that <strong>California</strong> Native people were gradually<br />
proceeding along a linear evolutionary<br />
track toward true agriculture as<br />
the mark of all truly advanced societies,<br />
and that it completely misses what was<br />
really going on.<br />
<strong>California</strong> Indians’ principal subsistence<br />
strategy, like so much else about<br />
<strong>California</strong>’s Native cultures, doesn’t fit<br />
neatly into established anthropological<br />
categories of human systems. Their<br />
goal was not to use fire to alter habitats,<br />
but to maximize the quantity and<br />
variety of wild resources upon which<br />
they depended for food, material culture,<br />
and other necessities of life. So<br />
the authors coin the term “pyrodiversity<br />
collectors,” which, though a perfectly<br />
apt description, becomes another<br />
of the unfortunate neologisms with<br />
which anthropological jargon often has<br />
been burdened. It’s unlikely to catch<br />
on with the wider public. Even so, this<br />
is an excellent, cogent summary of <strong>California</strong><br />
Indians’ interactions with their<br />
environment and why that matters.<br />
In the book’s “Visual Guide to Natural<br />
Resources,” 114 beautiful color photographs<br />
of marine and terrestrial plants,<br />
shellfish, insects, fish, reptiles, birds,<br />
marine and terrestrial mammals provide<br />
a sampling of the species utilized<br />
by Native peoples. These and others<br />
are discussed in six subsequent sections,<br />
pertaining to the state’s different<br />
geographical/cultural provinces: northwest,<br />
central, and south coasts, northeast,<br />
Central Valley, Sierra Nevada, and<br />
southern deserts. Principal resources<br />
and their uses are described, supported<br />
by copious references for those wish-<br />
ing more information about particular<br />
Native groups or about the species<br />
themselves. It is particularly gratifying<br />
to see that clear distinctions are made<br />
among <strong>California</strong>’s diverse Native<br />
groups, rather than lumping them all<br />
as “the Indians.”<br />
No summary work can be completely<br />
exhaustive, but this comes close. It is<br />
well-written, interesting, and makes<br />
important intellectual contributions.<br />
The most important literature, as well<br />
as more obscure research papers, has<br />
been referenced either in the text or<br />
in the copious endnotes. An excellent<br />
index is also provided. <strong>California</strong> Indians<br />
and Their Environment progresses<br />
far beyond its predecessor, The Natural<br />
World of the <strong>California</strong> Indians (Heizer<br />
and Elsasser 1980). Beautiful and useful,<br />
this book belongs on the bookshelf<br />
of everyone interested in <strong>California</strong> history,<br />
anthropology, or ethnobiology.
Juana Briones of 19tH<br />
Century <strong>California</strong><br />
By Jeanne Farr McDonnell (Tucson:<br />
University of Arizona Press, 2008,<br />
288 pp., $50.00 cloth, $22.95 paper)<br />
REVIEWED BY MARLENE SMITH-BARANzINI,<br />
AUTHOR, HISTORICAL RESEARCHER, EDITOR<br />
OF THe sHIrLey LeTTers: FroM THe CALI-<br />
FornIA MInes, 1851–1852, BY LOUISE AMELIA<br />
KNAPP SMITH CLAPPE, AND CO-AUTHOR, WITH<br />
JOHN MCCLELLAND, OF A MANUSCRIPT ON<br />
PACIFIC NORTHWEST HISTORY<br />
Her 1820s house at El Polin Springs<br />
on the San Francisco Presidio grounds<br />
is being excavated. Plans are afoot to<br />
save the remains of her 1884 Palo Alto<br />
adobe. She is presented in schools<br />
and portrayed in Chautauqua performances.<br />
Now comes the long-awaited<br />
biography of Juana Briones, a contextually<br />
detailed treatment of a woman and<br />
her times. Jeanne Farr McDonnell, a<br />
journalist and women’s history activist,<br />
has unearthed sources—against many<br />
odds—to bring this veiled figure to life.<br />
Juana Briones y Tapia de Miranda<br />
(1802–1889) was born in 1802 at Villa<br />
de Branciforte, near Santa Cruz. Her<br />
father came to <strong>California</strong> in 1770 from<br />
New Spain; her mother was a child<br />
in the 1776 Anza expedition. Briones<br />
lived through every wave of the state’s<br />
cultural upheaval—from Indian times<br />
through the Mission period, the Mexican<br />
era, the American takeover, the<br />
tumultuous Gold Rush years, and the<br />
emergence of <strong>California</strong> as an ambitious<br />
western state. At every turn,<br />
the resourceful, hard-working Briones<br />
adapted her life and moved with<br />
the times.<br />
From Indians and family elders Briones<br />
learned the medicinal healing that,<br />
more than anything else, lately has<br />
defined her. When her marriage to<br />
Apolinaro Miranda turned mean, she<br />
was granted a rare Church separation.<br />
She moved her large family from the<br />
Presidio and started a small farm in<br />
the area that became Yerba Buena.<br />
Next she owned a vast ranch on former<br />
Mission Santa Clara lands. Finally,<br />
in her eighties, she moved to the<br />
Palo Alto home. Her life was unique.<br />
Driven by an insatiable quest for<br />
answers, McDonnell reveals how she<br />
accomplished it.<br />
Firsthand documents testify to Juana’s<br />
intelligence, physical stamina, the<br />
ability to navigate the shifting human<br />
landscape, the intuitive wisdom to<br />
trust herself and protect her children,<br />
her genuine enjoyment of others,<br />
her knowledge of healing, and her<br />
will to live a dynamic life under any<br />
circumstances.<br />
The “paper trail” left by future women<br />
is short for Juana, though probably<br />
not exhausted. She lived in patriarchal<br />
societies and may not have been able to<br />
write in Spanish (or later, English), but<br />
her activities appear in legal documents<br />
in both languages, in memoirs by others<br />
who knew her, especially European<br />
and American arrivals, and in early<br />
histories of the places where she lived.<br />
Her names—maiden, married, and<br />
their phonetic-like variations—surely<br />
complicated the research.<br />
The history that frames this biography<br />
is detailed and meticulously documented<br />
by rare early sources and current<br />
specialists’ thinking, thus providing<br />
a valuable orientation to the period,<br />
especially regarding Indian–Anglo<br />
relationships. At times, however, when<br />
evidence of what Briones and others<br />
thought or did is missing, McDonnell<br />
inserts conjectures that, however reasonable,<br />
may or may not be so. While<br />
this construction keeps the author<br />
actively in the narrative, readers can<br />
easily evaluate her interpretations.<br />
An ambitious labor of intellect and<br />
love, this book enlightens our understanding<br />
of life during a transformative<br />
century. Readers should find it thoroughly<br />
interesting and informative.<br />
79
80<br />
i n d e x<br />
Volume 87<br />
a<br />
Adams, Ansel (87, 4), 17–19<br />
Adrian, Henry Augustus (87, 4), 45, 46<br />
African Americans and teaching <strong>California</strong><br />
history (87, 1) 47, 48<br />
African Americans and the Panama-Pacific<br />
International Exhibition (87, 3),<br />
26–45<br />
Club women, 29–30, 40, 41, 45<br />
Migration to the West, 15–16, 19<br />
African Dip (PPIE exhibit) (87, 3), 38, 39,<br />
40, 45<br />
Alameda County Day (PPIE) (87, 3), 40–42,<br />
44<br />
Anthony, Susan B. (87, 4), 48, 57, 63, 64<br />
Avalon (Santa Catalina Island) (87, 1), 7, 9,<br />
10, 15, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 23<br />
Axelrod, Jeremiah B. C., Inventing Autopia:<br />
Dreams and Visions of the Modern<br />
Metropolis in Jazz Age Los Angeles,<br />
review (87, 3), 72–73<br />
b<br />
Babour, Clitus (87, 3), 50<br />
Bakersfield (87, 3), 8, 17<br />
“Bakersfield sound,” 8, 18<br />
Dust Bowl migrants, 18<br />
Banks, Frank H., “Diary: 28 March–16<br />
November 1877,” A Whaling Voyage<br />
(CHS Collections) (87, 1), 4–5<br />
Banning family (87, 1), 6–23<br />
Banning, Hancock (87, 1), 9, 11, 12, 13, 17,<br />
19, 22, 23<br />
Banning, Joseph (87, 1), 9, 13, 15, 19, 22<br />
Banning, Phineas (87, 1), 8, 9<br />
Banning, William (87, 1), 9, 11, 13, 15, 16,<br />
19, 22, 23<br />
Beasley, Delilah (87, 3), 26, 27, 28, 31, 35,<br />
38, 39, 42–44, 45<br />
Beerstecher, Charles (87, 3), 48, 59<br />
Bertrand, Michael (87, 3), 7<br />
“Big City” (Merle Haggard) (87, 3), 16–18<br />
Big Read, The (NEA) (87, 2), 50–59<br />
Big Sur (87, 2)<br />
Robinson Jeffers, 22–43<br />
U.S. Coast & Geodetic Survey, 44–48<br />
Binner, Oscar (87, 4), 40<br />
Bird, Remsen Dubois (87, 2), 54<br />
Birth of a Nation, The (D. W. Griffith) (87, 3),<br />
26, 31, 37, 42, 44<br />
“Bixby’s Landing” (Robinson Jeffers) (87, 2),<br />
49<br />
“Blue Yodel No. 4 (<strong>California</strong> Blues)”<br />
(Jimmie Rodgers) (87, 3), 13–14<br />
Bookplates (CHS Collections) (87, 4), 3–5<br />
Broderick, David (87, 3), 48<br />
Brophy, Robert (87, 2), 15, 20, 45<br />
Buffalo Soldiers (87, 3), 34, 35<br />
Bum Blockade (1936) (87, 3), 15<br />
Burbank, Luther (87, 4), 26–47<br />
<strong>California</strong> History • volume 87 number 4 2010<br />
C<br />
Cabrillo, Juan Rodríguez (87, 1), 26<br />
Cady, Daniel, “In Tune with Innovation:<br />
The ‘West by Southwest’ Music Panel<br />
at the 2009 Western History<br />
Association Conference (87, 3), 4–25<br />
“Language of a Subculture Redux,” 7–10<br />
“‘West by Southwest: Southern Music in<br />
and About the American West,”<br />
10–20<br />
“Left of Eden: Woody Guthrie, ‘Do Re<br />
Mi,’” 14–15<br />
“Looking West: Jimmie Rodgers, ‘Blue<br />
Yodel No. 4 (<strong>California</strong> Blues),’”<br />
13–14<br />
“Western Apocalypse: Gram Parsons and<br />
Chris Hillman, ‘Sin City,’”20<br />
“The Price of Freedom: Janis Joplin, ‘Me<br />
and Bobby McGee,’” 20–21<br />
<strong>California</strong> history, teaching and global<br />
perspective (87, 1) 24–63<br />
<strong>California</strong> Patron (Grange newspaper)<br />
(87, 4), 48, 49, 56, 57, 58, 60, 61;<br />
Family Circle, 57–58<br />
<strong>California</strong> Views (photographic archive)<br />
(87, 2), 42–43<br />
<strong>California</strong>’s Constitutional Convention<br />
(1878–79) (87, 3), 46–64<br />
Delegates, 52–54<br />
Issues debated, 49–51<br />
Origins, 48–51<br />
Proceedings, 54–55<br />
Progressives, 61–62<br />
Reforms, 55–60<br />
<strong>California</strong>’s Second Constitution (1879)<br />
(87, 3), 46–64<br />
Central Pacific Railroad (87, 3), 49, 57, 59,<br />
61; (87, 4), 22<br />
Cherry, Edgar (Spotlight) (87, 2), 80<br />
Chinese immigrants (87, 3), 51–52, 60<br />
Clansman, The (Thomas Dixon) (87, 3), 26,<br />
31, 42, 44<br />
Colophon, The (CHS Collections) (87, 2), 4–5<br />
Compost, Terri, ed., People’s Park: Still<br />
Blooming, 1969–2009 and On, review<br />
(87, 2), 69–70<br />
Cooper-Molera family (Big Sur) (87, 2), 27<br />
Cover, Thomas W. (87, 4), 33<br />
D<br />
Delgado, James P., Gold Rush Port: The<br />
Maritime Archaeology of San<br />
Francisco’s Waterfront, review (87, 1),<br />
74–75<br />
“Der’ll be Wahm Coons a Prancin’” (CHS<br />
Collections) (87, 3), 3<br />
Deverell, William, “Teaching <strong>California</strong> in a<br />
Global Context” (87, 1), 57<br />
Dixon, Thomas (87, 3), 26, 27, 31<br />
Donner Party (87, 4), 20–25<br />
“Do Re Mi” (Woody Guthrie) (87, 3), 14–15,<br />
24<br />
Douglas, K. C. (87, 3), 8, 15–16<br />
Dowling, Patrick (87, 3), 48<br />
Dreyfus, Philip J., Our Better Nature:<br />
Environment and the Making of San<br />
Francisco, review (87, 3), 74<br />
Du Bois, W. E. B. (87, 3), 30, 31, 36, 42, 43<br />
Dunbar, Paul (87, 3), 3<br />
Dust Bowl (87, 3), 6, 9, 18, 22<br />
Dust Bowl migrants (87, 3), 6, 8, 14, 15, 17<br />
Dyble, Louise Nelson, Paying the Toll: Local<br />
Power, Regional Politics, and the<br />
Golden Gate Bridge, review (87, 3),<br />
73–74<br />
E<br />
Eisenberg, Ellen M., The First to Cry Down<br />
Injustice? Western Jews and Japanese<br />
Removal During World War II, review<br />
(87, 4), 72–73<br />
Elinson, Elaine and Stan Yogi, Wherever<br />
There’s a Fight: How Runaway Slaves,<br />
Suffragists, Immigrants, Strikers, and<br />
Poets Shaped Civil Liberties in<br />
<strong>California</strong>, review (87, 4), 73–74<br />
Elkind, Sarah, “<strong>California</strong> History as<br />
American History” (87, 1), 25, 57–58<br />
Estee, Morris (87, 3), 56, 58, 59, 61<br />
Ethington, Philip J., “Global <strong>California</strong><br />
Contra Greater <strong>California</strong>” (87, 1), 25,<br />
53–56<br />
F<br />
Farewell to Manzanar (Jeanne Wakatsuki<br />
Houston and James D. Houston)<br />
(87, 3), 16, 17–19<br />
Farm Security Administration (FSA) (87, 3),<br />
8, 9<br />
“First Book: Robinson Jeffers” (CHS<br />
Collections) (87, 2), 4–5
Flamming, Douglas, “In Tune with<br />
Innovation: The ‘West by Southwest’<br />
Music Panel at the 2009 Western<br />
History Association Conference”<br />
(87, 3), 4–25<br />
“Homesick for the South: Otis Redding,<br />
‘(Sittin’ on) The Dock of the Bay,’”<br />
18–19<br />
“Let the Good Times Roll: Bob Geddins<br />
and K. C. Douglas, ‘Mercury<br />
Boogie,’” 15–16<br />
“One Magic Afternoon in Denver,”<br />
21–25<br />
“The Elusive West: Merle Haggard, ‘Big<br />
City,’” 16–18<br />
“The Price of Freedom: Janis Joplin, ‘Me<br />
and Bobby McGee,’” 20–21<br />
“The South and the West in the Creation<br />
of America,” 4–6<br />
“‘West by Southwest: Southern Music in<br />
and About the American West,” 10–<br />
20<br />
Frontier Thesis (Frederick Jackson<br />
Turner) (87, 3), 4<br />
g<br />
Geddins, Bob (87, 3), 8, 15–16<br />
George, Henry (87, 3), 46, 49, 55<br />
“Ghost” (Robinson Jeffers) (87, 2), 64<br />
Gioia, Dana, “Telling Jeffers’ Story” (87, 2),<br />
50–53<br />
Gisel, Bonnie J. with images by Stephen J.<br />
Joseph, Nature’s Beloved Son:<br />
Rediscovering John Muir’s Botanical<br />
Legacy, review (87, 2), 74–75<br />
Gold Ridge Experiment Farm (Sebastopol)<br />
(87, 4), 29<br />
Gold Rush and <strong>California</strong>’s Pacific trade<br />
(87, 1), 29–32, 47<br />
Gold, Christina, “‘Pacific Eldorado’:<br />
Scholarship, Pedagogy, and the<br />
Community College Student” (87, 1),<br />
25, 49–52<br />
Golden Gate International Exhibition<br />
(1939–40) (87, 1), 35<br />
Grange (87, 3), 51; (87, 4) 54–57<br />
“Gray Weather” (Robinson Jeffers) (87, 2),<br />
21<br />
Gregory, James (87, 3), 6, 8<br />
Griffith, D. W. (87, 3), 27, 31, 44<br />
Guthrie, Woody (87, 3), 8, 14–15, 17, 20,<br />
22, 24<br />
h<br />
Haggard, Merle (87, 3), 8, 15<br />
Hathaway, Pat (87, 2), 42<br />
Hawk Tower (87, 2), 8, 13, 14, 15, 50, 58, 60<br />
Hillman, Chris (87, 3), 20<br />
Hoge, Joseph P. (87, 3), 54, 55, 59, 61<br />
Holder, Charles F. (87, 1), 11–12<br />
HoSang, Daniel Martinez, “Teaching<br />
Race in <strong>California</strong> History beyond<br />
Domination and Diversity” (87, 1),<br />
25, 58<br />
Hotel Metropole (Santa Catalina Island)<br />
(87, 1), 9, 10, 15, 16, 17, 21<br />
Houston, James D. (87, 4), 6–25<br />
Houston, Jeanne Wakatsuki (87, 4), 6, 9,<br />
17–19, 21<br />
Hudson, Lynn M., “‘This Is Our Fair and<br />
Our State’: African Americans<br />
and the Panama-Pacific International<br />
Exhibition (87, 3), 1, 26–45<br />
i<br />
In the Redwoods, Edgar Cherry (Spotlight)<br />
(87, 2), 80<br />
J<br />
Janssen, Volker, “What Makes the World<br />
Go Round: <strong>California</strong>’s History of<br />
Globalization” (87, 1), 25, 59<br />
Japanese Americans, and WW II relocation<br />
centers (87, 1), 58; (87, 4) 16, 17–19<br />
Ansel Adams photographs of (87, 4),<br />
17–19<br />
Jeffers, Robinson (87, 2), 4–64<br />
Big Sur, 22–41<br />
Biographical sketch, 12–16<br />
“Bixby’s Landing” (poem), 49<br />
Carmel, 8, 9, 13, 27, 32, 50<br />
Cultural heritage, 50–64<br />
“Ghost” (poem), 64<br />
“Gray Weather” (poem), 21<br />
Literary legacy, 6–20<br />
Occidental College, 12, 17–20<br />
Selected bibliography, 65<br />
The Big Read, 50–59<br />
Jeffers, Una (87, 2), 12–13, 16, 26, 27, 32,<br />
51, 54<br />
“Jewel City” (PPIE) (87, 3), 38, 41<br />
Jim Crow (87, 3), 9, 26, 27, 28, 34, 35, 36,<br />
37, 38, 44, 45<br />
Johnson, C. W. J. (87, 2), 42, 43<br />
Joplin, Janis (87, 3), 12, 20–21<br />
Jordan, David Starr (87, 4), 33, 37<br />
Joy Zone (PPIE) (87, 3), 31, 38, 39, 40<br />
Jurmain, Claudia and William McCawley, O,<br />
My Ancestor: Recognition and Renewal<br />
for the Gabrielino-Tongva People of the<br />
Los Angeles Area, review (87, 4),<br />
74–75<br />
K<br />
Karman, James, “An Uncommon Voice”<br />
(87, 2), 6–11; 33, 51<br />
Karman, James, ed., The Collected Letters of<br />
Robinson Jeffers, with Selected Letters of<br />
Una Jeffers, vol. 1, 1890–1930, review<br />
(87, 2), 70–71<br />
Kearney, Denis (87, 3), 52, 59, 60<br />
Kimball, Flora (87, 4), 48–59<br />
Kimball, Frank (87, 4), 53, 56<br />
Kimball, Warren C. (87, 4), 50, 51, 53, 54<br />
l<br />
La Chapelle, Peter (87, 3), 7<br />
Latorre, Guisela, Walls of Empowerment:<br />
Chicana/o Indigenist Murals of<br />
<strong>California</strong>, review (87, 3), 71–72<br />
Landacre, Paul (87, 2), 20<br />
Latin American Pacific Rim (87, 1), 43, 44,<br />
50<br />
Lemke-Santangelo, Gretchen, “Rethinking<br />
<strong>California</strong> History” (87, 1), 25, 59<br />
Lightfoot, Kent G. and Otis Parrish,<br />
<strong>California</strong> Indians and Their<br />
Environment: An Introduction, review<br />
(87, 4), 78<br />
London, Jack (87, 1), 37; (87, 2), 28; (87, 4),<br />
40<br />
Los Angeles History Research Group<br />
(87, 1) 25<br />
Lummis, Charles (87, 3), 5<br />
Lunch Parlor (National City) (87, 4), 64, 65<br />
Lustig, R. Jeffrey, “Private Rights and Public<br />
Purposes: <strong>California</strong>’s Second<br />
Constitution Reconsidered” (87, 3),<br />
46–64<br />
Luther Burbank Company (87, 4), 43–44,<br />
45, 47<br />
Luther Burbank Publishing Company<br />
(87, 4), 39, 40<br />
Luther Burbank <strong>Society</strong> (87, 4), 39<br />
“Luther Burbank’s Spineless Cactus”<br />
(catalog) (87, 4), 44<br />
M<br />
Marcus, Kenneth H., “<strong>California</strong> History<br />
and the Performing Arts” (87, 1), 25,<br />
60; (87, 3), 7<br />
Mathes, W. Michael, The Russian-Mexican<br />
Frontier: Mexican Documents<br />
Regarding the Russian Establishments<br />
in <strong>California</strong>, 1808–1842, review<br />
(87, 1), 74<br />
81
82<br />
i n d e x<br />
McCawley, William and Claudia Jurmain, O,<br />
My Ancestor: Recognition and Renewal<br />
for the Gabrielino-Tongva People of the<br />
Los Angeles Area, review (87, 4),<br />
74–75<br />
McCusker, Kristine M. (87, 3), 7<br />
McDonnell, Jeanne Farr, Juana Briones of<br />
19th Century <strong>California</strong>, review<br />
(87, 4), 79<br />
“Me and Bobby McGee” (Janis Joplin)<br />
(87, 3), 12, 20–21, 24<br />
“Mercury Boogie (Mercury Blues)” (Bob<br />
Geddins and K. C. Douglas) (87, 3),<br />
8, 15–16, 18<br />
Michael Steiner, “Teaching <strong>California</strong><br />
History with McWilliams, Bradbury,<br />
and Tuan” (87, 1), 25, 63<br />
Midwinter International Exhibition<br />
(1893–94) (87, 1), 35–36<br />
Milliken, Randall, Native Americans at<br />
Mission San Jose, review (87, 2),<br />
72–73<br />
Moore, Rebecca, Understanding Jonestown<br />
and Peoples Temple, review (87, 2), 76<br />
n<br />
NAACP, Northern <strong>California</strong> Branch (87, 3),<br />
26, 31<br />
National City (87, 4), 52, 53, 62, 63<br />
National City Public Library (87, 4), 62<br />
National City Record (87, 4), 49, 54, 62, 63<br />
National Grange of the Order of Patrons of<br />
Husbandry (87, 4), 54–57<br />
National Ranch Grange No. 235 (National<br />
City) (87, 4), 56<br />
National Steinbeck Center (87, 2), 52, 53<br />
Negro Day (PPIE) (87, 3) 38, 40, 41, 44<br />
Nelson, Kevin, Wheels of Change: From Zero<br />
to 600 M.P.H.: The Amazing Story of<br />
<strong>California</strong> and the Automobile, review<br />
(87, 4), 76–77<br />
Notley family (Big Sur) (87, 2), 32, 40<br />
Nye, Matthew, “A Life Remembered: The<br />
Voice and Passions of Feminist<br />
Writer and Community Activist Flora<br />
Kimball” (87, 4), 48–59<br />
o<br />
Oakland (87, 3), 15, 16, 30, 31<br />
Oakland blues (87, 3), 15–16<br />
Oakland Independent (87, 3), 31<br />
Oakland Sunshine (87, 3), 26, 29, 31, 38, 40,<br />
42, 44<br />
Oakland Tribune (87, 3), 26, 27, 31<br />
Occidental College (87, 2), 12, 17–20, 52, 54,<br />
60<br />
<strong>California</strong> History • volume 87 number 4 2010<br />
Okies (Dust Bowl migrants) (87, 3), 6, 8, 14,<br />
15, 17; (87, 4), 10<br />
Olivewood (Kimball residence) (87, 4),<br />
53–54, 64, 65<br />
Osborne, Thomas J., “Jack London and the<br />
Call of the Pacific” (87, 1), 37<br />
Osborne, Thomas J., “Pacific Eldorado:<br />
Rethinking <strong>California</strong>’s Greater Past”<br />
(87, 1), 24, 26–45<br />
<strong>California</strong> dream, 34–36, 38–40<br />
Early international transpacific<br />
commerce, 27–30<br />
Expansion and maritime commercial<br />
prospects, 32–34<br />
Pacific immigration, 31–32<br />
Pacific Rim commercial, strategic, and<br />
cultural affairs, 40–45<br />
Owens, Buck (87, 3), 5, 8<br />
p<br />
Pacific Guano and Fertilizer Co. (87, 1), 29<br />
Pacific Rim, influences on <strong>California</strong> history<br />
(87, 1) 24–63<br />
Palace of Food Products (PPIE) (87, 3), 31,<br />
39, 43<br />
Panama-Pacific International Exhibition<br />
(PPIE) (1915) (87, 1), 35; (87, 3),<br />
26–45<br />
Pardee, George C. (87, 1), 1, 31<br />
Parker, Harold (Spotlight) (87, 3), 80<br />
Parrish, Otis and Kent G. Lightfoot,<br />
<strong>California</strong> Indians and Their<br />
Environment: An Introduction,<br />
review (87, 4), 78<br />
Parsons, Gram (87, 3), 8, 9, 20<br />
Pescadero Camp (San Mateo County)<br />
(87, 1), 80<br />
Pfeiffer family (Big Sur) (87, 2), 24, 25, 34<br />
Phelps, Robert, “Teaching <strong>California</strong><br />
Cityscapes” (87, 1), 25, 60–61<br />
Presidio (San Francisco) (87, 1), 33, 34<br />
Progress and Poverty (Henry George)<br />
(87, 3), 55<br />
r<br />
Race Betterment booth (PPIE) (87, 3), 32,<br />
33, 45<br />
Ramírez, Catherine S., The Woman in the<br />
Zoot Suit: Gender, Nationalism, and<br />
the Cultural Politics of Memory, review<br />
(87, 3), 71–72<br />
Rancho de la Nación (National Ranch)<br />
(87, 4), 52, 54<br />
Redding, Otis (87, 3), 18–19, 20, 24<br />
Reed, James Frazier (87, 4), 20, 21, 22, 23<br />
Reed, Patty (87, 4), 20–24<br />
Reesmen, Jeanne Campbell, Jack London’s<br />
Racial Lives: A Critical Biography,<br />
review (87, 2), 71–72<br />
Regionalism (87, 3), 4–6<br />
Richardson, Heather Cox (87, 3), 6<br />
Richardson, Peter, A Bomb in Every Issue:<br />
How the Short, Unruly Life of<br />
Ramparts Magazine Changed America,<br />
review (87, 2), 69–70<br />
Risvold, Floyd (87, 2), 44<br />
Robinson, Forrest G., “James D. Houston,<br />
<strong>California</strong>n” (87, 4), 6–25<br />
Rodgers, Jimmie (87, 3), 12, 14, 15, 24<br />
Rodolph, Frank B. (87, 2), 43<br />
Rosenbaum, Fred, Cosmopolitans: A Social<br />
& Cultural History of the Jews of the<br />
San Francisco Bay Area, review<br />
(87, 4), 75–76<br />
Rosenthal, Nicolas G., Allison Varzally,<br />
et. al, “Teaching <strong>California</strong> History: A<br />
Conversation” (87, 1), 24–64<br />
Rosenthal, Nicolas G. (87, 1)<br />
Introduction, “Teaching <strong>California</strong><br />
History: A Conversation,” 24–25<br />
“Teaching the Messier Realities of<br />
<strong>California</strong> History,” 61–62<br />
s<br />
San Francisco Workingmen’s Party (87, 3),<br />
48, 50, 52, 53, 54, 59, 60, 61<br />
Santa Catalina Island (87, 1), 6–23<br />
“Canvas cities,” 10–11, 14, 15<br />
Isthmus, 17–18, 19<br />
Minorities, 15<br />
Santa Catalina Island Marine Band (87, 1),<br />
10, 11, 18, 19<br />
Santa Rosa (87, 4), 28, 29, 30, 36, 45, 46,<br />
47<br />
Sausalito houseboat community (87, 3), 19<br />
Scharff, Virginia (87, 3), 6, 7, 10, 11, 20, 23,<br />
24, 25<br />
Schrank, Sarah, Art and the City: Civic<br />
Imagination and Cultural Authority in<br />
Los Angeles, review (87, 2), 75<br />
Schrank, Sarah, “<strong>California</strong> and the<br />
American Popular Imagination:<br />
Using Visual Culture in <strong>California</strong><br />
History Pedagogy” (87, 1), 25, 62<br />
Schwartz, Harvey, Solidarity Stories: An Oral<br />
History of the ILWU, review (87, 4) 77<br />
Sectional Thesis (Frederick Jackson Turner)<br />
(87, 3), 4, 6<br />
Shafter migrant camp (FSA) (87, 3), 9<br />
Shatto, George (87, 1), 9, 10<br />
Shaw, Anna (87, 4), 63, 64<br />
Sides, Josh, “To See the Globe for the<br />
Beach” (87, 1), 25, 62–63
“Sin City” (Gram Parsons and Chris<br />
Hillman) (87, 3), 8, 20<br />
“(Sittin’ on) The Dock of the Bay” (Otis<br />
Redding) (87, 3), 18–19, 24<br />
Sitton, Tom, “The Bannings on the Magic<br />
Isle: Santa Catalina Island, 1892–<br />
1919” (87, 1), 6–23<br />
Smith, Jane S., “Luther Burbank’s Spineless<br />
Cactus: Boom Times in the<br />
<strong>California</strong> Desert” (87, 4), 26–47<br />
“Song of the Redwood Tree” (Walt<br />
Whitman) (87, 1), 26; (87, 2), 80<br />
Sonkin, Robert (87, 3), 9<br />
Southern migration (87, 3), 4–25<br />
Sperry Flour booth (PPIE) (87, 3), 38, 39<br />
Spineless Cactus Nursery & Land Co.<br />
(87, 4), 43<br />
Starr, Kevin (87, 1), 34, 43; (87, 4), 7<br />
Starr, Kevin, Golden Dreams: <strong>California</strong> in an<br />
Age of Abundance, 1950–1963, review<br />
(87, 1), 73<br />
Stegner, Wallace (87, 4), 8<br />
Stephens, Virginia (“Jewel City,” PPIE)<br />
(87, 3), 41, 45<br />
Stevens, Errol Wayne, Radical L.A.: From<br />
Coxey’s Army to the Watts Riots,<br />
1894–1965, review (87, 2), 73<br />
Stewart, Todd, Placing Memory: A<br />
Photographic Exploration of Japanese<br />
American Internment, review (87, 4),<br />
72<br />
Stoneman, George (87, 4), 62<br />
“Student Printmakers’ Response to Jeffers’<br />
Poetry” (Occidental College) (87, 2),<br />
54, 57–59<br />
Summer Home on Lake Tahoe, Harold Parker<br />
(Spotlight) (87, 3), 80<br />
Swetnam family (Big Sur) (87, 2), 28, 35, 38<br />
T<br />
Tanner, Henry Ossawa (87, 3), 1, 43<br />
Terry, David (87, 3), 48, 54, 56, 59<br />
The Crisis (NAACP) (87, 3), 29, 32, 35, 42<br />
The Negro Trail Blazers of <strong>California</strong> (Delilah<br />
Beasley) (87, 3), 27, 45<br />
The New Agricultural-Horticultural Opuntias:<br />
Plant Creations for Arid Regions,<br />
Luther Burbank (catalog) (87, 4), 28,<br />
33, 38, 41<br />
Thornless Cactus Farming Company<br />
(87, 4), 38–39<br />
Tibbets, Eliza (87, 4), 33<br />
Todd, Charles L. (87, 3), 9<br />
Tor House (87, 2), 8, 13, 16, 50, 51, 53, 60<br />
Tor House Foundation (87, 2), 52<br />
Trotter family (Big Sur) (87, 2), 35, 39–40<br />
Turner, Frederick Jackson (87, 3), 4, 5, 6<br />
u<br />
University of <strong>California</strong> (87, 3), 48<br />
U.S. Coast & Geodetic Survey (87, 2), 44–48<br />
v<br />
Varzally, Allison, Introduction, “Teaching<br />
<strong>California</strong> History: A Conversation”<br />
(87, 1), 24–25<br />
W<br />
Walton, John, “The Poet as Ethnographer:<br />
Robinson Jeffers in Big Sur” (87, 2),<br />
22–41<br />
Ward, David with Gene Kassebaum,<br />
Alcatraz: The Gangster Years, review<br />
(87, 3), 75<br />
Washington, Booker T., (87, 3), 36, 37, 38,<br />
40, 41, 44, 45<br />
“We Wear the Mask” (Paul Dunbar)<br />
(87, 3), 3<br />
West, Elliot (87, 3), 6<br />
Western History Association (WHA) (87, 1)<br />
24; (87, 3), 4, 5, 6, 7, 10, 11, 14, 21,<br />
22, 23, 24, 25<br />
Weston, Cara (87, 2), 54, 56<br />
Weston, Cole (87, 2), 55<br />
Weston, Edward (87, 2), 54, 55<br />
Weston, Kim (87, 2), 54, 55<br />
White, Graham (87, 3), 7<br />
White, Shane (87, 3), 7<br />
Wickson, Edward J. (87, 4), 31<br />
Wiener, Leigh (87, 2), 60–64<br />
Wild, Mark, “Local Contexts, Global<br />
Frameworks, and the Future of the<br />
<strong>California</strong> History Course” (87, 1), 25,<br />
46–48<br />
Wilkes, Charles (87, 1) 32–33<br />
Wilmington (Los Angeles County) (87, 1),<br />
8, 9<br />
Wilmington Transportation Company<br />
(WTC) (87, 1), 9, 10, 12, 15, 16–17, 19,<br />
21, 22<br />
Worster, Donald, A Passion for Nature: The<br />
Life of John Muir, review (87, 2),<br />
74–75<br />
Wrigley Jr., William (87, 1), 22–23<br />
y<br />
Yogi, Stan and Elaine Elinson, Wherever<br />
There’s a Fight: How Runaway Slaves,<br />
Suffragists, Immigrants, Strikers, and<br />
Poets Shaped Civil Liberties in<br />
<strong>California</strong>, review (87, 4), 73–74<br />
83
84<br />
d o n o r s<br />
The <strong>California</strong> <strong>Historical</strong> <strong>Society</strong> is deeply grateful<br />
to the following individuals, corporations, foundations,<br />
and government and business organizations<br />
for their contributions.<br />
INDIVIDUALS<br />
$50,000 and above<br />
Anonymous<br />
The Estate of J. Lowell Groves, San Francisco<br />
$10,000 to $49,999<br />
Mr. & Mrs. Thomas Decker, Los Angeles<br />
Mr. & Mrs. Reid W. Dennis, Woodside<br />
The Estate of Mr. Louis H. Heilbron,<br />
San Francisco<br />
Drs. Maribelle & Stephen Leavitt,<br />
San Francisco<br />
Dr. & Mrs. Jay Levy, San Francisco<br />
The Estate of Mr. Arthur Mejia, San Francisco<br />
Ms. Jeanne S. Overstreet, Bennington, VT<br />
$5,000 to $ 9,999<br />
Sandy & Linda Alderson, Rancho Santa Fe<br />
Jan Berckefeldt, Lafayette<br />
Ms. Kevin Cartwright, Los Angeles<br />
Mr. Robert Chattel, Sherman Oaks<br />
Mr. Robert & Mrs. Kaye Hiatt, Mill Valley<br />
Mr. Richard Hyde, Belvedere-Tiburon<br />
Mr. Bill Leonard, Sacramento<br />
Mr. Robert A. McNeely, San Diego<br />
Mrs. Susan L. & Mr. John L. Molinari,<br />
San Francisco<br />
$1,000 to $4,999<br />
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Mr. David Crosson & Ms. Natalie Hala,<br />
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Mr. & Mrs. Joseph E. Davis, Laguna Beach<br />
Mr. & Mrs. Ray Dolby, San Francisco<br />
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Justice & Mrs. Arthur Gilbert, Pacific Palisades<br />
Mr. Alfred Giuffrida & Ms. Pamela Joyner,<br />
San Francisco<br />
Mr. Brad Goldstone, Novato<br />
Mrs. Constance M. Goodyear Baron &<br />
Barry C. Baron M.D., San Francisco<br />
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<strong>California</strong> History • volume 87 number 4 2010<br />
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Hon. Robert M. Hertzberg, Los Angeles<br />
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Mrs. Elizabeth & Mr. A.M.D.G. Lampen,<br />
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Amb. & Mrs. L. W. Lane Jr., Menlo Park<br />
Mr. Hollis G. Lenderking, La Honda<br />
Mr. & Mrs. Ray Lent, San Rafael<br />
Jill & Joe Lervold, San Francisco<br />
Ms. Linda Lee Lester, Gilroy<br />
Mr. David & Mrs. Julie Levine, San Francisco<br />
Mr. William S. McCreery, Hillsborough<br />
Drs. Thomas & Jane McLaughlin,<br />
San Francisco<br />
Drs. Knox & Carlotta Mellon, Riverside<br />
Mr. Byron R. Meyer, San Francisco<br />
Mr. Robert Folger Miller, Burlingame<br />
Mr. Holbrook T. Mitchell, Napa<br />
Mr. Mark A. Moore, Burlingame<br />
Mr. Tim Muller, San Francisco<br />
Mr. Peter Johnson Musto, San Francisco<br />
Mrs. Rozell & Mr. P. L. Overmire,<br />
San Francisco<br />
Mr. & Mrs. Thomas R. Owens, San Francisco<br />
Mr. & Mrs. Kenneth J. Paige, San Francisco<br />
Rick & Laura Pfaff, San Francisco<br />
Dr. Edith & Mr. George Piness, Mill Valley<br />
Ms. Darlene Plumtree Nolte & Mr. Carl Nolte,<br />
San Francisco<br />
Mrs. Cristina Rose, Los Angeles<br />
Mrs. Benjamin H. Rose III, San Francisco<br />
Mr. Adolph Rosekrans, Redwood City<br />
Mr. Donn R. Schoenmann, San Francisco<br />
Mr. Gary Sitzmann, Oakland<br />
Richard Hollis Smart & Marilee Delyn Mifflyn,<br />
San Jose<br />
H. Russell Smith, Pasadena<br />
Mr. & Mrs. Steven L. Swig, San Francisco<br />
John & Andrea Van de Kamp, Pasadena<br />
Mr. A.W.B. Vincent, Monte Carlo, Monaco<br />
David & Rene Whitehead, Sebastopol<br />
Mr. Peter Wiley, San Francisco<br />
Mrs. Alfred S. Wilsey, San Francisco<br />
Mr. & Mrs. Richard C. Wulliger,<br />
Pacific Palisades<br />
Mr. & Mrs. Lee Zeigler, San Francisco<br />
Ms. Helen Zukin, Beverly Hills<br />
$500 to $999<br />
Anonymous<br />
Mr. George H. Anderson, Hollister<br />
Ms. Elizabeth Anderson, San Francisco<br />
Mr. Ted Balestreri, Monterey<br />
Mr. & Mrs. Andrew E. Bogen, Santa Monica<br />
Ms. Lynn Bonfield, San Francisco<br />
Ms. Joanne E. Bruggemann, Redwood City<br />
Ms. Judith Brush, San Mateo<br />
Mr. Ernest A. Bryant III, Santa Barbara<br />
Mr. Michael Carson & Dr. Ronald Steigerwalt,<br />
Palm Springs<br />
Mr. Alex Castle, Walnut Creek<br />
Ms. Anne Crawford, Half Moon Bay<br />
Mrs. Leonore Daschbach, Atherton<br />
Mrs. Linda S. Dickason, Pasadena<br />
Mr. & Mrs. Frederick K. Duhring, Los Altos<br />
Mr. & Mrs. Gordon Fish, Pasadena<br />
Ms. Linda Jo Fitz, San Francisco<br />
Mr. & Mrs. William S. Floyd Jr., Portola Valley<br />
Mr. Harry R. Gibson III, South Lake Tahoe<br />
Dr. & Mrs. Harvey Glasser, San Francisco<br />
Ms. Johanna S. Glumac, San Francisco<br />
Dr. Erica & Hon. Barry Goode, Richmond<br />
Mr. & Mrs. Richard W. Goss II, San Francisco<br />
Mr. Richard & Mrs. Peggy Greenfield,<br />
Palm Beach, FL<br />
Mrs. Richard M. Griffith, Belvedere-Tiburon<br />
Charles & Ginger Guthrie, Richmond<br />
Mr. David W. Hall, Belvedere-Tiburon<br />
Mr. & Mrs. Robert E. Henderson,<br />
Hillsborough<br />
Ms. Ruth M. Hill, Daly City<br />
Donna & Chuck Huggins, Larkspur<br />
Mr. & Mrs. George D. Jagels, San Marino<br />
Mrs. Katharine H. Johnson, Belvedere-Tiburon<br />
Mr. Sean A. Johnston, San Francisco<br />
Mr. & Mrs. G. Scott Jones, Mill Valley<br />
Mr. Douglas C. Kent, Davis<br />
Mr. David B. King, Newark<br />
Mr. Jeri Lardy, El Dorado Hills<br />
Ms. Judy Lee, Redwood City<br />
Mr. Stephen Lesieur, San Francisco<br />
Mrs. Betsy Link, Los Angeles<br />
Ms. Janice Loomer, Castro Valley<br />
Mr. Bruce M. Lubarsky, San Francisco<br />
Mr. Stephen C. Lyon, San Francisco<br />
Ms. Rosemary MacLeod, Daly City<br />
Neil MacPhail, San Francisco<br />
Mr. Stephen O. Martin, San Mateo<br />
Mr. J. Peter McCubbin, Los Angeles<br />
Mrs. Nan Tucker McEvoy, San Francisco<br />
Mr. Holbrook T. Mitchell, Napa<br />
Dr. & Mrs. Stephen G. Mizroch, San Rafael<br />
Mr. Lawrence E. Moehrke, San Rafael<br />
Mr. Thomas E. Nuckols, South Pasadena<br />
Mr. & Mrs. Peter J. O’Hara, San Francisco<br />
Ms. Diane Ososke, San Francisco<br />
Dr. Douglas K. Ousterhout, San Francisco<br />
Mr. & Mrs. Samuel Palmer, San Francisco<br />
Mr. Stephen Plath, San Rafael<br />
Mr. Kevin M. Pursglove, San Francisco<br />
Mrs. Wanda Rees-Williams, South Pasadena<br />
Mrs. George W. Rowe, San Francisco<br />
Mr. Mark Schlesinger & Ms. Christine Russell,<br />
San Francisco<br />
Mr. & Mrs. John Schram, San Francisco<br />
Mr. Randy Shaw & Ms. Lainey Feingold,<br />
Berkeley<br />
Mr. John B. & Mrs. Lucretia Sias,<br />
San Francisco<br />
Mrs. Thomas Siebert, Fresno<br />
Mrs. Roselyne C. Swig, San Francisco<br />
Jane Twomey, San Francisco
Mrs. Jeanne & Mr. Bill C. Watson, Orinda<br />
Mr. Paul L. Wattis Jr., Paicines<br />
Ms. Barbara Webb, San Francisco<br />
Stein & Lenore Weissenberger, Mountain View<br />
Ms. Susan Williams, Oakland<br />
Ms. Sheila Wishek, San Francisco<br />
Robert A. Young, Los Angeles<br />
Ms. Deborah Zepnick, Calabasas<br />
$250 to $499<br />
Ms. Ann C. Abbas, San Francisco<br />
Mr. & Mrs. Albert R. Abramson, Burlingame<br />
Mr. John Amarant, Danville<br />
Ms. Sigrid Anderson-Kwun, San Francisco<br />
Mr. Scott C. Atthowe, Oakland<br />
Mr. & Mrs. Peter Avenali, San Francisco<br />
Ms Judith Avery, San Francisco<br />
Mr. Joe Bear, San Marcos<br />
Mr. & Mrs. Michael Beeman, Woodland<br />
Katy & John Bejarano, San Mateo<br />
Mary Ann & Leonard Benson, Oakland<br />
Claire & William Bogaard, Pasadena<br />
Janet F. Bollinger, Sacramento<br />
Mr. & Mrs. Dix Boring, San Francisco<br />
Ms. Dorothy Boswell, Greenbrae<br />
Ms. Barbara Bottarini, San Francisco<br />
Mr. DeWitt F. Bowman, Mill Valley<br />
Miss Virginia Bozza, Millbrae<br />
James Brice & Carole Peterson, Pleasanton<br />
Mrs. William H. V. Brooke, San Francisco<br />
Mr. John E. Brown, Riverside<br />
Mr. William Burke, Bakersfield<br />
Mrs. DeWitt K. Burnham, San Francisco<br />
Dr. Julianne Burton-Carvajal, Monterey<br />
Mr. & Mrs. William Cahill, Ross<br />
Ms. Christina Cansler, Richmond<br />
Ms. Mary E. Campbell, Mill Valley<br />
Ms. Jeanne Carevic & Mr. John Atwood,<br />
San Jose<br />
Ms. Ann E. Carey, San Francisco<br />
Mr. Gordon Chamberlain, Redwood City<br />
Mrs. Park Chamberlain, Redwood City<br />
Mr. Fred Chambers, San Francisco<br />
Mr. & Mrs. Blake Chapman, Woodacre<br />
Dr. & Mrs. Melvin D. Cheitlin, San Francisco<br />
Mr. & Mrs. Herman Christensen Jr., Atherton<br />
Ms. Marie G. Clyde, San Francisco<br />
Mr. John C. Colver, Belvedere-Tiburon<br />
Ms. Margaret P. Compagno, Daly City<br />
Renate & Robert Coombs, Oakland<br />
Corinna Cotsen & Lee Rosenbaum,<br />
Santa Monica<br />
Mrs. Suzanne Crowell, San Marino<br />
Mr. & Mrs. Gerald B. Cullinane, Oakland<br />
Mrs. Karen D’Amato, San Carlos<br />
Mr. Walter Danielsen, Livermore<br />
Mr. & Mrs. William Davidow, Woodside<br />
Dr. William N. Davis Jr., Fresno<br />
Mr. Lloyd De Llamas, Covina<br />
Ms. Pamela Anne Dekema & Mr. Richard<br />
Champe, Belvedere-Tiburon<br />
T. R. Delebo, M.D., Sausalito<br />
Mr. & Mrs. R. Dick, Healdsburg<br />
Mr. Gilmore F. Diekmann, San Francisco<br />
Ms. Laura Bekeart Dietz, Corona Del Mar<br />
Frances Dinkelspiel, Berkeley<br />
Mr. William Donnelly, Citrus Heights<br />
Mr. & Mrs. William G. Doolittle, Carmel By<br />
The Sea<br />
Mr. Thomas A. Doyle, Danville<br />
Mr. & Mrs. William H. Draper III,<br />
San Francisco<br />
Mr. David A. Duncan, Mill Valley<br />
Ms. Helen Dunlap, Chicago, IL<br />
Ms. Denise Ellestad & Mr. Larry M. Sokolsky,<br />
Portola Valley<br />
Mr. & Mrs. Robert F. Erburu, West Hollywood<br />
Jacqueline & Christian Erdman, San Francisco<br />
Mr. & Mrs. E. L. Fambrini, San Francisco<br />
Mr. & Mrs. John Fisher, San Francisco<br />
Ms. Myra Forsythe, San Francisco<br />
Helene & Randall Frakes, San Francisco<br />
Miss Muriel T. French, San Francisco<br />
Mr. & Mrs. Robert D. Funk, Genoa, NV<br />
Ms. Ilse L. Gaede, San Francisco<br />
Mr. Michael S. Gagan, Los Angeles<br />
Carolyn Gan, Albany<br />
Mr. Joe Garity, San Francisco<br />
Mr. & Mrs. Robin Gates, Redwood City<br />
Mr. Lionel G. Gatley, Long Beach<br />
Mr. Karl E. Geier, Lafayette<br />
Mr. George T. Gibson, Sacramento<br />
Mr. George L. Gildred, San Diego<br />
Mr. & Mrs. John Stevens Gilmore, Sacramento<br />
Mr. & Mrs. Dale Goode, Healdsburg<br />
Mr. Laurence K. Gould Jr., Pasadena<br />
Mr. J. Jeffrey Green, Monterey<br />
Mrs. Claire Gummere, San Francisco<br />
Ms. Jeannie Gunn, Burbank<br />
Mr. James W. Haas, San Francisco<br />
Mr. Noble Hamilton Jr., Greenbrae<br />
Ms. Judith Hardardt, Davis<br />
Ms. Beth Harris, West Hollywood<br />
Dr. & Mrs. R. S. Harrison, San Francisco<br />
Mr. William Alston Hayne, St. Helena<br />
Mr. Warren Heckrotte, Oakland<br />
Ms. Stella Hexter, Oakland<br />
Mr. Bruce Mason Hill, San Francisco<br />
Mr. Henry L. Hilty Jr., Los Angeles<br />
Ms. Linda K. Hmelo, San Francisco<br />
Ms. Linda Hollister, Palo Alto<br />
Janice & Maurice Holloway, San Francisco<br />
Ms. Lois J. Holmes, Greenbrae<br />
Dr. Robert L. Hoover, San Luis Obispo<br />
Mr. William Hudson, San Francisco<br />
Mr. Robert C. Hughes, El Cerrito<br />
Mr. & Mrs. Robert Intner, San Francisco<br />
Mr. Douglas B. Jensen, Fresno<br />
Ms. Carol G. Johnson, Redwood City<br />
Ms. Margaret J. Kavounas, San Francisco<br />
Ms. Sheila Kelly, Saint Helena<br />
Mr. William Kenney, San Mateo<br />
Mr. & Mrs. Gary F. Kurutz, Sacramento<br />
Corrine Laing, Carmichael<br />
Mr. Guy Lampard, Mill Valley<br />
Mr. & Mrs. William C. Landrath, Carmel<br />
Mr. Jack Lapidos, San Francisco<br />
Drs. Juan & Joanne Lara, Pasadena<br />
Mr. Leandro Lewis, Healdsburg<br />
Mrs. Maryon Davies Lewis, San Francisco<br />
Jerri Lightfoot, Fremont<br />
Mr. & Mrs. John G. Lilienthal, San Francisco<br />
Mrs. Robert Livermore, Danville<br />
Robert Machris, Venice<br />
Mr. Tim Madsen, Santa Cruz<br />
Rev. Daniel J. Maguire, San Francisco<br />
Francis R. Mahony III, June Lake<br />
Mr. & Mrs. Leonis C. Malburg, Vernon<br />
Mr. & Mrs. Thomas H. May, Oakville<br />
Mr. & Mrs. Dean Mayberry, Palo Alto<br />
Mr. & Mrs. Edward H. Mayer, San Marino<br />
Ms. Loretta A. McClurg, San Mateo<br />
Mr. Michael McCone, San Francisco<br />
Mrs. David Jamison McDaniel, San Francisco<br />
Mr. David McEwen, Newport Beach<br />
Mrs. Milbank McFie, Santa Barbara<br />
Mr. & Mrs. Lawrence P. McNeil, Rancho<br />
Palos Verdes<br />
Ms. Mary Ann McNicholas, Alameda<br />
Mrs. Charles D. McPherson, San Rafael<br />
Mrs. Suzanne McWilliam Oberlin,<br />
Corte Madera<br />
Mr. & Mrs. Burnett Miller, Sacramento<br />
Mr. & Mrs. O’Malley Miller, Pasadena<br />
Mr. & Mrs. Bruce T. Mitchell, Burlingame<br />
Mrs. Albert J. Moorman, Atherton<br />
Mr. & Mrs. Robert W. Morey, Belvedere-<br />
Tiburon<br />
Ms. Paula Mueda, South San Francisco<br />
Mr. & Mrs. J. E. C. Nielsen, Mill Valley<br />
Ms. Joanne Nissen, Soledad<br />
Ms. Mary Ann Notz, Burlingame<br />
Barbara O’Brien, Daly City<br />
Ms. Nancy Leigh Olmsted, San Rafael<br />
Ms. Susan Olney, San Francisco<br />
Ms. Harriett L. Orchard, Carmichael<br />
Mr. & Mrs. Richard C. Otter, Belvedere-<br />
Tiburon<br />
Ms. Mary J. Parrish, San Francisco<br />
Mr. Warren Perry, San Francisco<br />
James & Lauris J. Phillips, San Marino<br />
Dr. & Mrs. John O. Pohlmann, Seal Beach<br />
Mr. Herbert C. Puffer, Folsom<br />
Mr. & Mrs. Richard W. Reinhardt,<br />
San Francisco<br />
Mr. James Reynolds, Berkeley<br />
Mr. Daniel W. Roberts, San Francisco<br />
Mr. & Mrs. Hadley Roff, San Francisco<br />
Mr. Robert E. Ronus, Los Angeles<br />
Mr. William C. Rowe, Redwood City<br />
Mr. Allen Rudolph, Menlo Park<br />
Mr. Rudolfo Ruibal, Riverside<br />
Ms. Mary K. Ryan, San Francisco<br />
85
86<br />
d o n o r s<br />
Mr. & Mrs. Bernard Schulte Jr., Orinda<br />
Rev. Thomas L. Seagrave, San Francisco<br />
Mr. L. Dennis Shapiro, San Francisco<br />
Mr. Rocco C. Siciliano, Beverly Hills<br />
Mr. Michael Silveira, Modesto<br />
Ms. Jan Sinnicks, Petaluma<br />
Mr. & Mrs. B. J. Skehan, Los Angeles<br />
Mr. & Mrs. J.E.G. Smit, Santa Ynez<br />
Ms. Harriet Sollod, San Francisco<br />
Mr. & Mrs. Moreland L. Stevens, Newcastle<br />
Mr. Daniel F. Sullivan, San Francisco<br />
Tony & Beth Tanke, Davis<br />
Mr. Max Thelen Jr., San Rafael<br />
Mr. Jerry Thornhill, San Francisco<br />
Ms. Lynne Tondorf, Daly City<br />
Mr. Richard L. Tower, San Francisco<br />
Ms. Marilyn Tragoutsis, San Mateo<br />
Ms. Catherine Trimbur, Berkeley<br />
Ms. Catherine G. Tripp, San Francisco<br />
Mr. Paul A. Violich, San Francisco<br />
Ms. Wendy Voorsanger, Burlingame<br />
Kathleen Weitz, San Francisco<br />
Miss Nancy P. Weston, San Francisco<br />
Walter & Ann Weybright, San Francisco<br />
Ms. Kathleen Whalen, Sacramento<br />
Mr. Warren R. White, San Francisco<br />
Mr. Ed White & Mrs. Patti White, Los Altos<br />
Mrs. Alice Whitson, Willow Creek<br />
Mr. Walter J. Williams, Oakland<br />
Mr. Steven R. Winkel, Berkeley<br />
Mr. Mark L. Woodbury, Oakland<br />
Mrs. Edwin Woods, Santa Maria<br />
Ms. Nancy C. Woodward, Carmichael<br />
CORPORATE, FOUNDATION<br />
& GOVERNMENT SUPPORT<br />
$200,000 and above<br />
Council on Library & Information Resources,<br />
Washington, DC / The Andrew Mellon<br />
Foundation, New York<br />
$50,000 to $199,000<br />
Columbia Foundation, San Francisco<br />
San Francisco Foundation, San Francisco<br />
Union Bank of <strong>California</strong>, San Francisco<br />
$10,000 to $49,999<br />
Barkley Fund, Corona Del Mar<br />
Grants for the Arts, San Francisco<br />
Institutional Venture Partners, Menlo Park<br />
Intel Community Grant Program,<br />
Hillsborough<br />
<strong>California</strong> History • volume 87 number 4 2010<br />
$1,000 to $9,999<br />
Arata Brothers Trust, Sacramento<br />
Belfor, Hayward<br />
<strong>California</strong> State Library (Library Services and<br />
Technology Act, Local History Digital<br />
Resources Program) Sacramento<br />
The Clarence E. Heller Charitable Foundation,<br />
San Francisco<br />
CVPartners, San Francisco<br />
George W. Davis Foundation, Belvedere<br />
Institute of Museum & Library Services,<br />
Connecting to Collections Grant,<br />
Washington, DC<br />
John Wiley & Sons, Inc., Hoboken, NJ<br />
Louise M. Davies Foundation, San Francisco<br />
The Michael J. Connell Foundation,<br />
San Francisco<br />
Moore Dry Dock Foundation, San Francisco<br />
National Endowment for the Humanities,<br />
Preservation Assistance Grant,<br />
Washington, DC<br />
Oracle, Redwood City<br />
The Robert & Alice Bridges Foundation,<br />
Lafayette<br />
Sacramento Trust for Hist. Preservation,<br />
Sacramento<br />
Sidney Stern Memorial Trust, Pacific Palisades<br />
Simcha Foundation of the Jewish Community<br />
Endowment Fund, San Francisco<br />
The S.D. Bechtel, Jr. Foundation,<br />
San Francisco<br />
Trinet HR Corporation, San Leandro<br />
The Winifred & Harry B. Allen Foundation,<br />
Belvedere-Tiburon<br />
Yerba Buena Gardens/MJM Management,<br />
San Francisco<br />
Wells Fargo Bank, San Francisco<br />
$250 to $999<br />
Church of Spiritual Technology, Los Angeles<br />
Cypress Lawn Memorial Park, Daly City<br />
Dodge & Cox, San Francisco<br />
East Bay Community Foundation, Oakland<br />
J. Rodney Eason Pfund Family Foundation,<br />
Carmichael<br />
JRP <strong>Historical</strong> Consulting Services, Davis<br />
Limoneira Company, Santa Paula<br />
Metropolitan Arts Partnership, Sacramento<br />
MOC Insurance Services, San Francisco<br />
Muez Home Museum, Fresno<br />
Phillips, Spallas & Angstadt LLP,<br />
San Francisco<br />
The San Francisco Club of Litho & Print,<br />
San Francisco<br />
Westfield’s, San Francisco<br />
IN KIND DONATIONS<br />
Sandy Alderson, San Diego<br />
American Airlines<br />
Anchor Brewing Company, San Francisco<br />
Bill & Gerry Brinton, San Francisco<br />
Mr. David Burkhart, San Bruno<br />
John Burton, Santa Rosa<br />
Burns & Associates Fine Printing,<br />
San Francisco<br />
Carmel Bach Festival<br />
Cuvaison, Sonoma<br />
The Diocese of Monterey, Most Reverend<br />
Richard J. Garcia<br />
H. Joseph Ehrmann, San Francisco<br />
Elixir Cocktail Catering, San Francisco<br />
Elixir Saloon, San Francisco<br />
Fairmont Mayakoba Resort<br />
Andrew Galvan, Mission Dolores<br />
Grace St. Catering, Alameda<br />
Vince Guarino, Monterey<br />
Steven Hearst, The Hearst Corporation<br />
Hoyt Fields, San Simeon<br />
Korbel, Sonoma<br />
Loyola Marymount University, Los Angeles<br />
Mayacama Golf Club, Monterey<br />
Mexican Consulate, Consul General Carlos<br />
Felix Corona<br />
MJM Management, San Francisco<br />
John & Sue Molinari, San Francisco<br />
Palace Hotel, San Francisco<br />
Plumpjack Wines, San Francisco<br />
Plymouth Gin, England<br />
Royal Presidio Chapel, Monterey<br />
San Carlos Cathedral Cornerstone Campaign<br />
San Diego Padres<br />
Mr. Richard Schwartz, Berkeley<br />
Mr. Gary Shansby, Partida Tequila,<br />
San Francisco<br />
Shreve & Co., San Francisco<br />
Silversea Cruises<br />
Smith Family Paraiso Vineyards, Soledad,<br />
<strong>California</strong><br />
Square One Organic Spirits, San Francisco<br />
Mr. Lee Stetson, Yosemite Valley<br />
Taste Catering, San Francisco<br />
Tehama Golf Club, Sonoma<br />
Union Bank of <strong>California</strong>, San Francisco<br />
United States Bartenders Guild<br />
US Grant Hotel, San Diego
on the back cover<br />
In his book The Harvest of the Years, Luther Burbank described developing<br />
and perfecting a spineless cactus for forage and for fruit as “the<br />
most elaborate, the most expensive, the most painful and physically<br />
difficult, and most interesting single series of experiments I ever made.”<br />
In her drawing commissioned by Chicago publisher Oscar E. Binner circa<br />
1910–12, Kate Abelmann (1892–1982) juxtaposed the common prickly<br />
pear cactus (top left) and Burbank’s improved creation (top right), and<br />
featured a detail of the fruit (below).<br />
Courtesy of Luther Burbank Home & Gardens, Santa Rosa,<br />
<strong>California</strong>, lutherburbank.org<br />
CAliforniA HistoriCAl<br />
soCiety<br />
o F F i C E r s<br />
JAN BERCKEFELDT, Lafayette, president<br />
THOMAS DECKER, Los Angeles, Vice president<br />
MARK A. MOORE, Burlingame, Treasurer<br />
THOMAS R. OWENS, San Francisco, secretary<br />
b o a r D o F T r u s T E E s<br />
SANDY ALDERSON, San Diego<br />
JOHN BROWN, Riverside<br />
ROBERT CHATTEL, Sherman Oaks<br />
ARTHUR GILBERT, Pacific Palisades<br />
LARRY GOTLIEB, Sherman Oaks<br />
FRED HAMBER, San Francisco<br />
ROBERT HIATT, Mill Valley<br />
AUSTIN HILLS, San Francisco<br />
GARY KURUTz, Sacramento<br />
BILL LEONARD, Sacramento<br />
STEPHEN LeSIEUR, San Francisco<br />
TOM McLAUGHLIN, San Francisco<br />
CARLOTTA MELLON, Riverside<br />
SUE MOLINARI, San Francisco<br />
CHRISTINA ROSE, Los Angeles<br />
RICHARD WULLIGER, Pacific Palisades<br />
BLANCA zARAzúA, Salinas<br />
HELEN zUKIN, Los Angeles<br />
C a l i F o r n i a h i s T o r i C a l<br />
F o u n D a T i o n b o a r D<br />
DEWITT F. BOWMAN, Mill Valley, president<br />
BILL McCREERY, Hillsborough<br />
ROBERT A. McNEELY, San Diego<br />
PETER MUSTO, San Francisco<br />
EDITH L. PINESS, Mill Valley<br />
DAVID BARRY WHITEHEAD, San Francisco<br />
p r E s i D E n T s E M E r i T i<br />
MARIBELLE LEAVITT, San Francisco<br />
ROBERT A . McNEELY, San Diego<br />
EDITH L . PINESS, Mill Valley<br />
STEPHEN L . TABER, San Francisco<br />
JOHN K . VAN DE KAMP, Los Angeles<br />
E x E C u T i v E D i r E C T o r E M E r i T u s<br />
MICHAEL McCONE, San Francisco<br />
s p E C i a l a D v i s o r<br />
HUELL HOWSER, Los Angeles<br />
F E l l o W s<br />
WILLIAM N. DAVIS, JR., Sacramento<br />
RICHARD H. DILLON, Mill Valley<br />
CHARLES A. FRACCHIA, San Francisco<br />
ROBERT V. HINE, Irvine<br />
GLORIA RICCI LOTHROP, Pasadena<br />
JAMES R. MILLS, Coronado<br />
DOYCE B. NUNIS, JR., Los Angeles<br />
JAMES JABUS RAWLS, Sonoma<br />
ANDREW ROLLE, San Marino<br />
EARL F. SCHMIDT, JR., Palo Alto<br />
KEVIN STARR, San Francisco<br />
FRANCIS J. WEBER, Mission Hills<br />
CHARLES WOLLENBERG, Berkeley<br />
87
88<br />
s p o t l i g h t<br />
Photographer<br />
Unknown<br />
Location<br />
Above Pasadena<br />
As John Brown’s body lay stretched<br />
across the bloody wounds of American<br />
slavery and self-righteous violence, two<br />
of his sons came to <strong>California</strong> looking<br />
for a little peace.<br />
In the 1880s, Owen and Jason Brown<br />
built a cabin above Pasadena, near a<br />
hill they named Little Round Top after<br />
the site of a decisive Union victory in<br />
the war they helped to launch.<br />
“Full of a great love of all humanity,”<br />
according to their niece, the brothers<br />
were nonetheless grateful for their<br />
solitude. Jason was “as gentle as a dove<br />
with all of God’s creatures.” Owen, on<br />
the other hand, was said to carry a pair<br />
of Colt pistols wherever he went.<br />
In October 2009, the Station Fire<br />
roared through Little Round Top. Amid<br />
the ash of the brothers’ former dooryard,<br />
the mountain lilac will bloom.<br />
Jonathan Spaulding<br />
Two Sons of John Brown, 1880s<br />
<strong>California</strong> History • volume 87 number 4 2010<br />
Braun Research Library<br />
Autry National Center of the American West<br />
a.99.6
Lundy School, Mono County. Stockton St., between Post and<br />
Geary, 1868, San Francisco.<br />
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Signature<br />
All contributions above $40 are tax-deductible to the extent allowed by law.<br />
m e m b e r s h i p a p p l i c a t i o n<br />
levels<br />
■ $125 Friend<br />
■ $75 Plus<br />
Membership<br />
■ $60 Basic<br />
Membership<br />
■ $55 Senior<br />
(62+ years)<br />
■ $45 Student/<br />
Teacher<br />
■ $55 Library/<br />
Nonprofit<br />
■ $250 Contributor<br />
■ $500 Benefactor<br />
■ $1,000 Silver Circle<br />
■ New Member ■ Gift Membership<br />
Member Name (please print)<br />
Address<br />
City/State/Zip Telephone<br />
Gift Giver’s Name Gift Giver’s Telephone (important)<br />
method of payment<br />
■ Check ■ Visa ■ MasterCard<br />
Account Number Exp. Date<br />
Signature<br />
All contributions above $40 are tax-deductible to the extent allowed by law.
<strong>California</strong> <strong>Historical</strong> <strong>Society</strong><br />
678 Mission Street<br />
San Francisco, CA 94105<br />
<strong>California</strong> <strong>Historical</strong> <strong>Society</strong><br />
678 Mission Street<br />
San Francisco, CA 94105<br />
<strong>California</strong> <strong>Historical</strong> <strong>Society</strong><br />
678 Mission Street<br />
San Francisco, CA 94105<br />
Place<br />
Sta m p<br />
Here<br />
Place<br />
Sta m p<br />
Here<br />
Place<br />
Sta m p<br />
Here<br />
Fish Market Scales No. 80,<br />
S.F. Chinatown (1895–<br />
1906), by Arnold Genthe.<br />
Bird’s Eye View of Town and Water<br />
Front of San Pedro, gift of W.W.<br />
Robinson.<br />
Members receive renowned publications:<br />
<strong>California</strong> History features articles, book<br />
reviews, and images from significant historical<br />
collections; and advance notice of<br />
<strong>California</strong> <strong>Historical</strong> <strong>Society</strong> Press<br />
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888.247.4733<br />
Administrative<br />
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North Baker<br />
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San Francisco<br />
<strong>California</strong> History<br />
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Autry National<br />
Center, Los Angeles<br />
Southern <strong>California</strong><br />
Photography<br />
Archives, University<br />
of Southern <strong>California</strong>,<br />
Los Angeles